ख्रिस्ती समाजात जातींनी आणि जमातींनी प्रवेश केला

मध्ययुगीन काळात, ब्रिटिश आमदानीत आणि नंतरही भारतातल्या ख्रिस्ती समाजात स्थानिक संस्कृतीतील विविध जातींनी आणि जमातींनी प्रवेश केला आणि तिथे आपले पाय मजबूत रोवले. हे कसे घडले त्याची ही त्याची ही कथा.

केरळ राज्यात ख्रिस्ती धर्म पहिल्या शतकापासून आहे. तिथले ख्रिश्चन लोक येशू ख्रिस्ताच्या बारा प्रेषितांपैकी एक असलेल्या संत थॉमसचा वारसा सांगतात. सोळाव्या आणि सतराव्या शतकांत युरोपियन मिशनरींनी गोव्यात, मुंबईजवळ पालघर जिल्ह्यात वसई येथे आणि दक्षिण भारतात मदुराई वगैरे परिसरांत धर्मप्रसार केला तेव्हा या धर्मांतरीत लोकांनी आपल्याबरोबर आपल्या जाती, जमाती आणि या जातीजमाजातींशी निगडित असलेल्या प्रथापरंपरा ख्रिस्ती समाजात आणल्या. ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी आणि त्यांच्या धर्माधिकाऱ्यांनी हे धकवून घेतले. पोर्तुगिजांची गोव्यात राजवट असल्याने तिथे धर्मांतरानंतर काही प्रमाणात या प्रथापरंपरांना आळा बसला, मात्र पोर्तुगीज राजवट या धर्मांतरीतांच्या मूळ जातीजमाती आणि त्यासंबंधी असलेल्या विविध प्रथा आणि परंपरा समुळपणे नष्ट करु शकली नाही हेसुद्धा तितकेच खरे.

दक्षिण भारतात ख्रिस्ती ब्राह्मणांनी जानवे घालणे, शेंडी राखणे, कपाळावर भस्म चोपडणे¸संन्याशी, गुरू म्हणून भगवी वस्त्रे परिधान करणे हे ख्रिस्ती धर्मतत्त्वांशी विसंगत की सुसंगत आहे याबाबत उहापोह मदुराईत आणि अगदी इटलीमधल्या रोमपर्यत चालला होता. या प्रकरणात असले हे प्रकार नवधर्मांतरीत ख्रिस्ती समाजात रूढ करणाऱ्या इटालियन जेसुईट फादर रॉबर्ट डी नोबिली यांचे धर्मगुरुपदाचे तसेच बाप्तिस्मा करण्याचे अधिकार निलंबित करण्यात आले होते.

मात्र याबाबत दीर्घकाळ चाललेल्या चौकशीनंतर रोमस्थित पोपमहाशयांनी अखेरीस रॉबर्ट डी नोबिली यांचे म्हणणे मान्य केले. अशाप्रकारे आडपडद्याने का होईना जातीव्यवस्थेने ख्रिस्ती समाजात प्रवेश केला आणि यथावकाश तेथे मग मजबूत बस्तान बसवले.

देशाच्या इतर भागांत मध्यगीन काळात आणि अव्वल ब्रिटिश अमदानीच्या काळात ख्रिस्ती धर्माचा प्रसार झाला आणि त्याकाळात हा धर्म खऱ्या अर्थाने राष्ट्रपातळीवरचा आणि इथल्या सर्व - वरच्या, मध्यम स्तरावरच्या आणि खालच्या गणल्या जाणाऱ्या - जातींचा आणि जमातींचा बनला.

ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनीच्या अंमलात असलेल्या मुंबई बंदरात तीन अमेरीकन मिशनरींनी १२ फेब्रुवारी १८१२ रोजी मुंबई बंदरात पाऊल ठेवला. ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनीच्या अंमलात असलेल्या भारतात ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींच्या कार्यावर असलेली बंदी ब्रिटीश संसदेने १८१३ला उठवली. त्यानंतर अमेरिकन आणि स्कॉटिश मिशनरींनी मुंबईत आणि नजिकच्या परिसरांत भारताच्या इतिहासात पहिल्यांदाच आधुनिक पद्धतीच्या शाळा सुरु केल्या आणि भारतात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसाराचे, आधुनिक शिक्षणाचे आणि त्यामुळे विविध क्षेत्रांतील प्रबोधनाचे नवे युग सुरु झाले.

आधुनिक भारतात प्रवेश करणारे आद्य परदेशी मिशनरी असलेल्या गॉर्डन हॉल यांनी आपल्या घरात आश्रय दिलेल्या एका आफ्रिकन मुलाचा -डॅनियलचा - १२ जुलै १८१८ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा केला, आधुनिक काळात ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी भारतात केलेला हा पहिला बाप्तिस्मा. मात्र बाप्तिस्मा करणारे आणि स्विकारणारी व्यक्ती दोघेही परदेशी होते.

या काळात ख्रिस्ती धर्मात प्रवेश करणारी पहिली एतद्देशीय व्यक्ती मुसलमान होती हे या अमेरिकन मराठी मिशनचा इतिहास वाचला कि स्पष्ट होते. मोहंमद कादिन किंवा कादेर यार खान या मुळच्या हैदराबादचा असलेल्या वयाने ज्येष्ठ असलेल्या मुस्लीम व्यक्तीचा मुंबईत २५ सप्टेंबर १८१९ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा झाला.

मॅन्युएल अंतोनिओ या रोमन कॅथोलिकाचा १८२५ साली पुन्हा एकदा प्रोटेस्टंट पंथात बाप्तिस्मा देण्यात आला आणि हेसुद्धा `धर्मांतर' असेच गणले गेले. उमाजी गोविंद या चांभार व्यक्तीने १८२७ साली ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्वीकारला.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरींनी कोकणात हर्णै आणि बाणकोट येथे मिशनकार्य म्हणजे शाळा चालवणे आणि धर्मप्रसार करणे सुरु केले. डोनाल्ड मिचेल, जॉन कुपर, जेम्स मिचेल, ए क्रॉफर्ड आणि रॉबर्ट नेस्बिट हे ते स्कॉटिश आद्य मिशनरी.

इथल्या समाजात जात किती खोलवर रोवलेली आहे याचा अनुभव या आद्य मिशनरींना खूप लवकर आला. ही घटना १८२७च्या आसपासची आहे. या मिशनरींच्या मिशनकामाला यश येऊन एका हिंदु व्यक्तीने ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला होता. त्याचा बाप्तिस्मा झाल्यानंतर काही आठवड्यांनीं या मिशनरींनी प्रभुभोजनाचा म्हणजे येशु ख्रिस्ताच्या `लास्ट सपर’ किंवा शेवटच्या भोजनाच्या स्मरणार्थ केला जाणारा विधी चर्चमध्ये आयोजित केला होता. या विधीसाठी सर्व जण एकत्रित बसले होते.

प्रभुभोजन सुरु होणार तोच नव्यानेच ख्रिस्ती झालेला तो माणूस तटदिशी उभा राहिला, ''नाही, नाही. मी माझी जात इतक्या लवकर सोडणार नाही,'' असे म्हणत त्याने त्या चर्चबाहेर धूम ठोकली.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरी जॉन विल्सन बाणकोटला १८२९ आले तेव्हा बाणकोटचा रामचंद्र पुराणिक हा पुराण सांगणारा ब्राह्मण ख्रिस्ती झाला होता. उच्चवर्णीय ब्राह्मण जातीतल्या मराठी लोकांपैकी ख्रिस्ती झालेला हा पहिला माणूस. जॉन विल्सन यांनी मुंबईत १८३० साली हिंदु धर्म आणि ख्रिस्ती धर्म याबाबत वादविवाद आयोजित केला तेंव्हा ख्रिस्ती धर्माचा गड या रामचंद्र पुराणिकने लढवला होता.

प्रभु समाजातील दाजिबा निळकंठने ५ डिसेंबर १८३० रोजी ख्रिस्ती समाजाची दीक्षा घेतली,. कोकणातील देवाचे गोठणे येथील एक ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथ मराठे बाणकोट २० नोव्हेंबर १८३१ रोजी ख्रिस्ती झाला.

ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथचा बाप्तिस्मा झाल्यानंतर लगेचच त्याचा एका ब्राह्मण विधवेशी विवाह झाला. लग्नाआधीच ते दोघे एकत्र राहत होते, म्हणजे आताच्या भाषेत `लिव्ह इन रिलेशनशिप’ मध्ये होते.

त्याकाळात समाजातल्या खालच्या गणल्या जातींजमातींमध्ये स्त्रियांना आर्थिक आणि सामाजिकदृष्ट्या अधिक मोकळीक होते असे दिसते. या जातींजमातींमधल्या विधवांना किंवा नवऱ्याने टाकून दिलेल्या स्त्रियांना पुनर्विवाह करण्याची मुभा होती. गाठ मारणे. पाट लावणे किंवा म्होतुर लावणे अशी काही नावे या पुनर्विवाहांना होती. सती ही अत्यंत घृण प्रथासुद्धा केवळ वरच्या जातींत होती.

ब्राह्मण जातीतील विधवा पुनर्विवाहाच्या या घटनेनंतर अनेक वर्षांनी म्हणजे तब्बल पाच दशकांनंतर १८५६ मध्ये पुनर्विवाहाला कायदेशीर मान्यता मिळाली होती.

भारतात उच्चवर्णिय गणल्या जाणाऱ्या ब्राह्मण समाजातील विधवा पुनर्विवाहाची ही बहुधा पहिलीच घटना असावी. महर्षी केशव धोंडो कर्वे यांनी पंडिता रमाबाई यांच्या आश्रमातील गोदू या विधवेशी १८९३ ला पुनर्विवाह केला होता तो तब्बल सहा दशकांनंतर.

बाबाजी रघुनाथ या ब्राह्मणाशी एका ब्राह्मण विधवेने १८३१ साली केलेला हा पुनर्विवाह समाजशास्त्रज्ञांकडून आणि इतर अभ्यासकांकडून दुर्लक्षितच राहिला आहे.

ब्राह्मण विधवेचा हा पुनर्विवाह ज्या दिवशी झाला त्याच दिवशी त्याच चॅपेलमध्ये (प्रार्थनामंदिरात ) आणखी एक मोठी किंवा त्याहून अधिक क्रांतिकारक घटना घडली होती. ती म्हणजे ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथला बाप्तिस्मा देण्यात आला त्याच दिवशी महार जातीच्या गोपी या महिलेचेसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती धर्मात स्वागत करण्यात आले. हिंदू धर्मातील दोन विरुद्ध असलेले टोक अशाप्रकारे पहिल्यांदाच ख्रिस्ती बंधुभावात एकत्र आले अशा शब्दात या घटनेचे वर्णन करण्यात आले आहे.

अमेरिकन मराठी मिशनने अहमदनगर शहराच्या वेशीच्या आत सर्वप्रथम बाप्तिस्मा केला तो त्यांच्याकडे डॉ. ग्रॅहॅम यांनी सुपूर्द केलेल्या पुअर हाऊसमधील दृष्टिहीन, मूकबधिर, अपंग आणि अनाथ लोकांचा. कुटुंबियांनी आणि समाजाने टाकून दिलेल्या या अनाथ आणि अपंग व्यक्तींच्या मूळ जातीजमाती काय होत्या हे कळणे अशक्य आहे. या डॉ. ग्रॅहॅम यांनीच अमेरिकन मिशनच्या लोकांचे अहमदनगर शहरात १८३१ साली स्वागत केले होते.

मुंबईत उच्चभ्रु गणल्या जाणाऱ्या पारशी समाजातील काही तरुणांनी ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला तेव्हा मोठी खळबळ माजली होती, कोर्टकचेऱ्यासुद्धा झाल्या होत्या.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरी जॉन विल्सन यांच्या शाळेत शिकणाऱ्या धनजीभाई नौरोजी आणि होरमसजी पेस्तनजी या दोन पारशी तरुणांनी १८३९च्या अनुक्रमे १ मे आणि ५ मे रोजी पोलीस पहाऱ्यात ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्वीकारला.

या दोन पारशी तरूणांपैकी होरमसजी पुढे ख्रिस्ती धर्मगुरू झाला, स्कॉटलंडमध्ये धर्मशिक्षण पुर्ण केले आणि भारतात दीर्घकाळ मिशनकार्य केले, त्यांनी आपले आत्मचरित्रसुद्धा लिहिले आहे.

मुंबईत परळीचा तरुण देशस्थ ब्राह्मण नारायणशास्त्री शेषाद्री ख्रिस्ती झाला, त्याचा बारा वर्षाचा धाकटा भाऊ श्रीपतशास्त्री यानेसुद्धा स्कॉटिश मिशन हाऊसमध्ये धर्मातरासाठी आश्रय घेतला होता. याप्रकरणी श्रीपतीला डांबून ठेवल्याचा आरोप करणारा हेबीअसं कॉपर्स अर्ज न्यायालयात रेव्हरंड रॉबर्ट नेस्बिट यांच्याविरुद्ध दाखल करण्यात आला होता.

भारताच्या इतिहासात पहिल्यांदाच कायद्याचा अंमल सुरु झाला होता, या कायद्यासमोर न्यायालयात आणले जाणारे सर्व फिर्यादी आणि समान होते. एखाद्या व्यक्तीला बेकायदेशीररित्या डांबून ठेवण्यात आले आहे असा आरोप करणारे कलम असणारे `हेबीअस कॉपर्स' चा खटला या निमित्ताने भारतात पहिल्यांदाच चालवला गेला असणार.

रेव्हरंड नारायणशास्त्री शेषाद्री यांनी ख्रिस्ती मिशनरी म्हणून फार मोठे योगदान दिले.

सोराबजी खारसेटजी लांगराना हा मुंबईतला पारशी तरुणही त्यानंतर लगेचच ख्रिस्ती झाला. फ्रान्सीना सांत्या या निलगिरी प्रदेशातील तोडा आदिवासी जमातीच्या असलेल्या मात्र ब्रिटिश रेजिमेंट अधिकारी सर फ्रान्सिस फोर्ड आणि त्यांची पत्नी कोर्नेलिया यांनी सांभाळलेल्या मुलीशी सोराबजी याचे लग्न झाले. सोराबजी १८७८ ला आपली सरकारी नोकरी सोडून पूर्ण वेळ ख्रिस्ती मिशनरी बनले. त्यांच्या पत्नीने फ्रान्सीना सांत्या यांनी पुण्यात बालवाडी (नंतरची व्हिक्टोरिया स्कुल), इंग्रजी, मराठी, गुजराती आणि उर्दू माध्यमाच्या शाळा सुरु केल्या .

सोराबजी हा पारशी ख्रिस्ती तरुण आणि त्यांची तोडा आदिवासी पत्नी फ्रान्सीना सांत्या यांची आणखी एक महत्त्वाची ओळख म्हणजे भारतातली पहिली महिला वकिल कॉर्नेलिया सोराबजी यांचे हे दोघे पिता आणि माता.

जॉन विल्सन यांचे परमस्नेही असलेल्या व्याकरणकार दादोबा पांडुरंग तर्खडकर यांची मुलगी वेणुबाई हिने वैधव्यानंतर एका ख्रिस्ती कुटुंबाच्या सहवासात राहून शिक्षण घेतले आणि तिने ख्रिस्ती धर्मही स्वीकारला होता.

पंजाबचे राजा रणजितसिंग यांच्या मृत्युनंतर ब्रिटिशांनीं पंजाबचे राज्य खालसा केले. रणजितसिंहांचा पंधरा वर्षांचा मुलगा युवराज दुलिपसिंह दुलिपसिंह ख्रिस्ती होतो आणि काहीं काळानंतर इंग्लंड येथेच स्थायिक होतो. ख्रिस्ती धर्माची दीक्षा घेणारा युवराज दुलिपसिंह हा पहिला सेलिब्रिटी किंवा वलयांकित शीखधर्मीय. भारताच्या पहिल्या आरोग्यमंत्री राजकुमारी अमृत कौर या दुसऱ्या वलयांकित व्यक्ती.

पंजाबमध्ये आणि संपुर्ण भारतात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसार करणाऱ्या मिशनरींमध्ये साधू सुंदरसिंग या मूळच्या शीखधर्मीय असलेल्या गूढवादी किंवा मिस्टिक धर्मगुरुचा समावेश होतो.

अहमदनगरच्या हरिपंत ख्रिस्ती या देशस्थ ब्राह्मण तरुणाचा १३ एप्रिल १८३९ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा झाला.

१८५४ साली हरिपंत रामचंद्र खिस्ती आणि रामकृष्ण विनायक मोडक यांचा धर्मोपदेशक म्हणून दीक्षाविधी झाला. महाराष्ट्रात इतद्देशियांपैकी धर्मोपदेशक म्हणून दीक्षा मिळणारे ते पहिलेच दोन तरुण. येथील मराठी समाजात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसार करणारे इथल्या मातीतील हे पहिले दोन मिशनरी. यापैकी रामकृष्णपंत विनायक मोडक हे अनेक चित्रपटांत कृष्णाच्या भूमिका साकारणारे प्रसिद्ध अभिनेते शाहू मोडक यांचे पणजोबा.

हरिपंत खिस्ती हे इंग्रजीतील `सगुणा' ही आत्मचरित्रात्मक कादंबरी लिहिणाऱ्या आणि खालावलेल्या प्रकृतीमुळे वैद्यकीय शिक्षण अर्ध्यावर सोडावे लागणाऱ्या कृपा सत्यनाथन या महिलेचे वडील. ``सगुणा : अ स्टोरी ऑफ नेटिव्ह ख्रिश्चन लाईफ'' ही कादंबरी १८८७ साली प्रसिद्ध झाली. इंग्रजीत लिखाण करणारी कृपा सत्यनाथन ही पहिली भारतीय स्त्री-कादंबरीकार .

त्याकाळात पुण्यामुंबईत स्कॉटिश आणि अमेरिकन मिशनरींच्या संपर्कात आलेल्या अनेक सुशिक्षित ब्राह्मण व्यक्तींनी ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला आणि इथल्या उच्चभ्रू समाजात धोक्याची घंटा लावली. यथावकाश योग्य ती पावले उचलून आणि विविध सामाजिक, आध्यात्मिक किंवा धार्मिक मंडळे / समाज स्थापन करुन ख्रिस्ती धर्माचे हे आक्रमण रोखण्यास बऱ्यापैकी यश आले.

त्यानंतर ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी आपला लक्ष महाराष्ट्रातील ग्रामीण भागांतील दुर्लक्षित, उपेक्षित, गावच्या वेशीबाहेर हुसकावून लावलेल्या समाजघटकांकडे वळवले. मिशनरींच्या सुदैवाने त्यावेळी तरी या लोकांना मिशनरींनी जवळ करण्याबाबत, त्यांच्या शैक्षणिक, आर्थिक आणि सामाजिक गरज पुरवण्याबाबत समाजातील पुढारलेल्या वर्गांचे काही एक आक्षेप नव्हते.

यानंतर अनेक मातंग आणि महार लोकांनी सामुदायिकरीत्या प्रभूच्या राज्यात प्रवेश केला. शिऊरचा भागोबा काळेखे हा मातंग जातीतला पहिलाच धर्मांतरीत होता. अहमदनगरच्या चर्चमध्ये भागोबाने पहिल्यांदा पाऊल ठेवले त्या क्षणाला त्या देवळात कमालीचे उत्साहाचे औत्सुकाचे वातावरण होते.

भागोबा पूर्वी तमासगीर होते. या पार्श्वभूमीमुळे त्यांनी मराठीत अनेक ख्रिस्ती गायने लिहिली. ख्रिस्ती धर्मातील अस्सल मराठी गायनांची रचना करण्याचा मान अशाप्रकारे भागोबा यांच्याकडे जातो.

या ख्रिस्ती धर्मात ब्राह्मण, धनगर, तेली, साळी, मराठा, मातंग, महार, कायस्थ प्रभू, आणि इतर कैक जातीजमातींचे लोक गुण्यागोविंदांचे नांदू लागले. `यमुनापर्यटन' ही मराठी भाषेतील पहिली कादंबरी लिहिणारे बाबा पद्मनजी हे कासार जातीचे. पंडिता रमाबाई, निळकंठशास्त्री नेहेम्या गोरे, मराठी पंचकविंमध्ये समावेश असणाऱे रेव्हरंड नारायण वामन टिळक वगैरे नामवंत मंडळी चित्पावन ब्राह्मण होती.. पुण्यात भर पेठवस्तीत म्हणजे कसबा पेठेत ब्रदर देशपांडे मेमोरियल चर्च आहे हे पहिल्यांदा ऐकले तेव्हा मलाही असाच धक्का बसला होता.

अशाप्रकारे ख्रिस्ती समाजात स्वतःला सारस्वत ब्राह्मण म्हणवून घेणारे लोक आहेत त्याचप्रमाणे रेड्डी ख्रिस्ती आहेत, अय्यंगार, नायर, नंबुद्रीपाद ख्रिस्ती आहेत आणि पुर्णो संगमा यांच्या कुटुंबासारखे ईशान्य भारतातील आदिवासीसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती आहेत.

कॅथोलिक बिशप्स कॉन्फरन्स ऑफ इंडिया या कॅथोलिक चर्चच्या धर्माधिकाऱ्यांच्या संघटनेची पुण्यात १९९२ साली बैठक झाली तेव्हा इंडियन एक्सप्रेसमध्ये आणि `लोकसत्ता’त पुर्ण पानभर जाहिरातीत देशातील या सर्व बिशपांचे नावांसहीत फोटो छापण्यात आले होते तेव्हा जातीजमाती दर्शवणाऱ्या नावांची ही यादी वाचून मला स्वतःला धक्काच बसला होता.

ईशान्य भारतातल्या काही राज्यांत ख्रिस्ती समाज बहुसंख्य आहेत आणि जवळजवळ सर्वच लोक आदिवासी आहेत आणि त्यांना अनुसूचित जमातींना लागू असणाऱ्या सर्व सुविधा आणि आरक्षण लागू आहेत.

विविध जतिजमातीतील लोकांनी आपल्या आधीच्या चालीरीती म्हणजे लग्नकार्य आणि इतर सांस्कृतिक प्रथापरंपरा ख्रिस्ती समाजातही आणल्या आहेत. उदाहरणार्थ लग्नकार्य म्हणजे रोटीबेटी व्यवहार, खाद्यसंस्कृती वगैरेवगैरे.

पूर्वाश्रमीच्या अस्पृश्य समाजातल्या ख्रिस्ती लोकांना अनुसूचित जातीच्या सवलती नसल्या तरी भारतातल्या आणि महाराष्ट्रातल्या विशेषतः खानदेश, पालघर जिल्हा वगैरे भागांतल्या सर्व आदिवासी ख्रिस्ती लोकांना अनुसूचित जमातीच्या सर्व सुविधा आणि आरक्षण लागू आहेत.

अशाप्रकारे उच्च वर्णीय ब्राह्मण, विविध तथाकथित ओबीसी समाजातील तसेच दलीत आणि आदिवासी अशा विविध जाती आणि जमातींचा देशातील आणि राज्यातील ख्रिस्ती समाजात समावेश होतो.

ख्रिस्ती समाजात अशाप्रकारे विविध जाती जमाती अगदी खुल्या स्वरूपात अस्तित्वात असल्या तरीसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती धर्मात मात्र जातीभेद नाही असे ठोसपणे म्हणता येते.

हे नंतर अगदी सविस्तरपणे पुढल्या पोस्टमध्ये…

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{_eZatÀ`m gm{ÞÜ`mV Amë`mZo Am{U [¼ñVr Y_© ñdrH$maë`mZo X{bV g_mOmMr _mZ{gH$VmM ~XbyZ Jobr. gX¡d Ý`yZJ§S>mZo {nS>boë`m Am{U g_mOmV Zoho_rM Imb_mZoZo dmdaUmè`m `m Añn¥í` bmoH$m§V àW_M AmnU CÀMdUu` g_mOmMr Jwbm_{Jar PwS>H$mdyZ bmdy eH$Vmo Agm AmË_{dídmg {Z_m©U Pmbm. eVH$mZweVHo$ MmbV Ambobr hr Jwbm_{Jar ZmH$maÊ`mMo _mZ{gH$ ~i Ë`m§Zm Ë`m§À`m _mJo I§~ranUo C^o Agboë`m Jmoè`m gmho~m§_wio Ambo hmoVo. Ah_XZJa, OmbZm Am{U Am¡a§Jm~mX {Oëøm§V H$m_ H$aUmao ~hþg§»` H°$Wmo{bH$ Am{U àmoQ>oñQ>§Q> {_eZar ho O_©Z, pñdËPbªS>, A_o[aH$m, \$mÝg dJ¡ao Xoem§VyZ Ambo hmoVo. Ë`m_Ü`o {~«Q>re ZmJ[aH$m§Mr g§»`m AË`§V ZJÊ` hmoVr. BVHo$M Zìho Va _hm`wÕmÀ`m H$mimV `mn¡H$s O_©Z ZmJ[aH$ Agboë`m {_eZatZm {~«{Q>e gaH$maZo Vwé§JmVhr Q>mH$bo hmoVo. Ago Agbo Var `oWrb bmoH$ `m gd© Jmoè`m H$mVS>rÀ`m naXoer {_eZatZm amÁ`H$V} {~«{Q>e bmoH$m§n¡H$sM g_OV AgV. `m gmho~m§À`m {déÕ OmÊ`mMr ghgm Hw$UmMr qh_V hmoV Zgo. H$maU X{bVm§da Pmboë`m Hw$R>ë`mhr gm_m{OH$ AÝ`m`m{déÕ hr {_eZar _§S>ir WoQ> gaH$ma Xa~mar XmX _mJyZ hm AÝ`m` Xya H$aV AgV.

{¼ñVr Pmë`mZ§Vahr ~hþg§»` Añn¥í`m§Mm _yiMm OrdZH«$_ ~Xbbm Zmhr. JmdmVbr _obobr T>moao CMbyZ Ý`m`Mr, `m T>moam§Mo _m§g Im`Mo, hmSw>bH$sMr O_rZ H$gm`Mr, JmdmVrb CÀMdUu`m§Zr gm§{JVbobr H$m_o H$am`Mr Am{U Ë`m~Xë`mV {_iob Ë`mda JwOamU H$am`Mr Agm Ë`m§Mm {XZH«$_ hmoVm. JmdmVrb daÀ`m OmVrMr _§S>ir Hw$R>ë`mhr jw„H$ H$maUmdê$Z Ë`m§Zm {edrJmi, _mahmU H$am`Mo. Agë`m AÝ`m`r dmJUwH$sMr Ë`m§Zm Zoho_rMrM gd` Agë`mZo Ë`m{déÕ CR>md H$amdm Ago Ë`m§À`m H$Yr _ZmVhr Ambo ZgVo. Hw$Ur Agm CR>md Ho$bm AgVm Va gJù`m JmdH$è`m§H$S>o Agboë`m ~{hîH$mamÀ`m AñÌm_wio Ë`m§Zm OJUo _wpîH$b Pmbo AgVo. {_eZatÀ`m AmJ_Zm_wio gX¡d Imbr _mZ KmbyZ Am{U Amnbo Vm|S> bndyZ MmbUmè`m `m _hma-_m§J JS>çm§À`m Am{U ~m`m§À`m nmR>rÀ`m H$Um§V hiyhiy ~i `oD$ bmJbo. H$m`_ Or gaH$ma, ìh` gaH$ma, Agm Kmof bmdUmar Ë`m§Mr Or^ _mÌ AmìhmZmMr ^mfm {eH$br Zmhr. \$mXa~mS>r dm {_eZ H§$nmD§$S>À`m n[agamV amhUmè`m `m g_mOmZo Hw$R>ë`mhr ñdê$nmÀ`m AmìhmZmV, g§Kfm©V dm MidirV ñdV:bm PmoHy$Z {Xbo Zmhr. {_eZatMo ~moQ> Yê$Z eŠ` hmoB©b Vr àJVr gmYÊ`mMm _mÌ `m g_mOmZo à`ËZ Ho$bm.

`wamonmVrb bmoH$m§Zm Jwbm_ Am{U Jwbm_{Jar ho eãX n[a{MV Agbo Var OmV Am{U Añn¥í`Vm `m g§H$ënZm g_OUo Vgo AdKS>M hmoVo. OÝ_V: Añn¥í`Vm Am{U Om{Vì`dñWm `m g§H$ënZm Am{U Ë`mMr eVH$mZweVHo$ H$mQ>oH$moa A§_b~OmdUr `m OJmÀ`m nmR>rda ^maVm{edm` BVaÌ Hw$R>ohr AmT>iV Zmhr. Ë`m_wio EImXr ì`º$s OÝ_V:M 'AZQ>Mo~b' Agy eH$Vo `mMo AmH$bZ H$aUo Ë`m§Zm {H$Vr AdKS> Jobo Agob `mMr AmnU Ho$di H$ënZmM H$ê$ eH$Vmo. g_mOmVrb AJXr ImbÀ`m nmVirdarb g_mOKQ>H$m§Zm _m`oZo Odi H$aUmè`m `m {_eZatZr `m bmoH$m§Zm _mZ{gH$, e¡j{UH$ Am{U Am{W©H$ ~i {_idyZ {Xbo. `m Añn¥í` bmoH$m§À`m _wbm§gmR>r g§J_Zoa, amhmVm, H|$Xi, KmoJaJmd, Am¡a§Jm~mX dJ¡ao n[agamV emim CKS>ë`m.

\$mXa Om{H$`a `m§À`m H$mimV _mÂ`m _m_mÀ`m ~m~VrV åhUOo gmYmaUV: 1930 À`m gw_mamg KS>boë`m `m KQ>ZoMo dU©Z _r _mÂ`m AmB©-d{S>bm§H$Sy>Z Am{U BVam§H$Sy>Z AZoH$Xm EoH$bo Amho. {_eZatZr Añn¥í` g_mOmg {H$Vr _mZ{gH$ ~i nwadbo `mMo ho EH$ AË`§V ~mobHo$ CXmhaU. EH$mo{Ugmì`m eVH$mV naXoer {_eZatZr Añn¥í`VoÀ`m àWobm Aem àH$mao AZoH$Xm AmìhmZ {Xbo AgUma. Amnë`m VéUnUmV dm_Z_m_m \$mXa Om{H$`a `m§Mr KmoS>mJmS>r - N>H$S>m - MmbdV Ago. KmoJaJmd ho Am¡a§Jm~mX {OëømVrb d¡Omnya Am{U J§Jmnya VmbwŠ`m§À`m AJXr {edoda Agbobo Jmd. `m XmoZ VmbwŠ`m§Vrb _hmbJmd, dmhoJmd, daIoS> Am{U ~moaga `mgma»`m {d{dY IoS>çm§Zm ^oQ>r XoÊ`mgmR>r Om{H$`a~m~m OmV AgV, Voìhm Pw~Ho$Xma {_em§Mm VaUm~m§S> dm_Z {eZJmao hr KmoS>mJmS>r `m Jmdm§À`m doetVyZ _moR>çm PmoH$mV Xm¡S>drV ZoV Ago.

Ë`mH$mimV _hmamï´>mÀ`m BVa n[agam§à_mUoM _amR>dmS>çmVrb _hma-_mV§Jm§Zmhr gdUm©§er Hw$R>ë`mhr àH$mao ~amo~ar H$aÊ`mMr nadmZJr ZìhVr. Añn¥í`m§Zr Mm§Jbr H$nS>o Kmby Z`o, nm`VmU dmné Z`o, nm`VmU Agë`mg gdUm©§g_moa Vr H$mTy>Z ¿`mdrV Ago A{b{IV {Z`_ hmoVo. _hmam§Mm ZdaXod JmdmVyZ dm JmdÀ`m doerImbyZ KmoS>çmda ~gyZ dm dmOVJmOV ZoÊ`mg ~§Xr hmoVr. _hmamMo àoVhr JmdmVyZ ZoVm-AmUVm `oV Zgo.<sup>1</sup> ñdmV§Í`nyd© H$mimV Añn¥í` {¼ñVr bmoH$m§À`m gm_m{OH$ n[apñWVrda nwÊ`mÀ`m B½ZmVr gmido _mñVa `m§Zr '{Zamoß`m' `m _m{gH$mV 1944 gmbr EH$ boI_m{bH$m {b{hbr hmoVr. Añn¥í` g_mOmbm Odi H$aUmè`m `wamo{n`Z {¼ñVr Y_©Jwê$§Zmhr g_mOmVrb CÀMdUu` H$_©R> bmoH$m§À`m N>im§g Vm|S> Úmdo bmJo, Ago Ë`m§Zr åhQ>bo Amho. `m boImV EH$ dmŠ` Ago Amho :

''Am_Mo JmdmV Am_Mo _wbrMo b½ZmMo doir Vw_Mm Zdam Jmdm§VyZ KmoS>çmda ~gdyZ ZoD$ ZH$m, nm`r MmbV Ý`m. Am_Mo A{VH«$_U hmoVo `m g~~rda JmdH$è`m§Zr Am_Mm d Am_À`m Jwéñdm_tMm Ho$dT>m N>i Ho$bm ho nwîH$im§Zr g_j nm{hbo Amho.''²

Aer n[apñWVr AgVmZm d¡Omnya Am{U J§Jmnya VmbwŠ`m§Vrb AZoH$ Jmdm§Vrb MmdS>rda hOa Agboë`m daÀ`m OmVrVrb bmoH$m§À`m AJXr ZmH$mda {Q>ÀMyZ EH$m Vê$U _hmamZo KmoS>mJmS>rVyZ doerImbyZ Aer E§Q´>r ¿`mdr hr KQ>Zm Hw$Umhr gdUm©bm MrS> AmUUmar hmoVr.Añn¥í`m§Zr Amnbm gd© ì`dhma JmdHw$gm~mhoa, doerÀ`m nbrH$S>oM H$amdm, Ë`m§Zr JmdmV `mdo Vo Ho$di JmdH$sMr H$m_o H$aÊ`mgmR>rM Aer àWm hmoVr. `m àWoMo C„§KZ H$ê$Z AZoH$ Jmdm§À`m doerImbyZ KmoS>mJmS>rVyZ EH$m Añn¥í`mZo Xm¡S>V Omdo hm àH$maM gdUmªÀ`m Ñï>rZo _moR>m Y¸$mXm`H$ hmoVm.

JmdHw$gm~mhoaÀ`m _hmadmS>çmV amhUmè`m dm_ZMr hr {hå_V ìhmdr `mMm AZoH$m§Zm g§Vmn Ambm hmoVm. nU H$aUma H$m` ~mnS>o, dm_Z_m_m§À`m `m KmoS>mJmS>rV _mJo Y_©Jwê$§Mm Amnbm nm§T>amew^« PJm Am{U S>moŠ`mda h°Q> KmbyZ Agbobo Jmoè`m H$mVS>rMo Om{H$`agmho~ ~gbobo Agm`Mo. dm_Zbm `m~m~V IS>gmdbo AgVo Va N>H$S>çmV ~gbobo Jmoao gmho~ IdiVrb `mMr gdmªZmM H$ënZm hmoVr. _yiMo \|$M Agboë`m Om{H$`a~m~m§Mm KmoJaJmdÀ`m n§MH«$moerV EH$ àH$maMm Xamam hmoVm. bmoH$m§Zr ZmMJmÊ`m§À`m Am{U bmdUrÀ`m _mJo bmJy Z`o `mgmR>r Om{H$`agmho~ _Ü`amÌr AJXr a§JmV Ambobo V_memMo {H$Vr Var Ioi Ho$di EH$Q>çmZo ~§X nmS>V AgV `mMr bmoH$m§Zm H$ënZm hmoVr. _mÌ Añn¥í` dm_Zbm doerImbyZ KmoS>mJmS>rZo ZoÊ`mnmgyZ amoIUo Amdí`H$ hmoVo, ZmhrVa JmdmVrb BVa _hma-_m§JgwÕm gmoH$bo OmÊ`mMr eŠ`Vm hmoVr. _mÌ `mda Cnm` H$m` hoM `m gdUmªZm H$iV ZìhVo.

AgoM EH$Xm dm_Z_m_m EH$m JmdmÀ`m doerImbyZ N>H$S>m ZoV AgVmZm Ë`m JmdÀ`m nmQ>bmbm Amnbm g§Vmn AmdaVm Ambm Zmhr.

''Aa§ E åhmam, bB© _mO MT>bm` H$m` a§ Vwbm ? doerImbyZ N>H$S>m KoD$Z Mmbbm ìh` ? Imbr CVê$Z MmbV Om`bm H$m` Pmb§ a§ Vwbm ?'' nmQ>bm§Zr Ë`mbm XaS>mdyZ {dMmabo.

`m XaS>mdUrZo dm_Z_m_m§Zr KmoS>mJmS>rMm doJ EH$X_ H$_r Ho$bm. N>H$S>çmVyZ Imbr CVê$Z, bJm_ hmVr Yê$Z Vmo doerImbyZ N>H$S>m ZoD$ bmJbm. \$mXa Om{H$`a `m§Zm _mÌ ho g§^mfU bJoM H$imbo Zmhr. KmoS>mJmS>r nwT>o {ZKmë`mZ§Va \$mXam§Zr ImoXyZ ImoXyZ {dMmabo Voìhm Hw$R>o dm_Z_m_m§Zr Ë`m JmdMm nmQ>rb H$m` åhUV hmoVm ho Ë`m§Zm gm§{JVbo. Añn¥í` AgUmè`m `m JmS>rdmZmg doerVyZ JmdmV {eaVm§Zm KmoS>mJmS>rVyZ ~gyZ OmÊ`mg ñn¥í` bmoH$ _ZmB© H$aVmV ho Om{H$`a~m~m§Zm H$imbo Voìhm Ë`m§Mo {nÎm Mm§JboM Idibo. `m JmS>rV _mJo H$moUr ñn¥í` dm `wamo{n`Z ~gbo Var Ë`m_wio JmS>rdmZmÀ`m Añn¥í` XOm©V H$mhr ~Xb hmoV ZìhVm. Añn¥í` ì`º$sZo Amnbr nm`ar AmoiIyZ àMbrV àWoZwgma dmJmdo Aer Ë`m JmdÀ`m nmQ>bmMr Am{U BVa ñn¥í` _§S>itMr Anojm hmoVr.

VmnQ> ñd^mdm~Ôb à{gÕ Agbobo \$mXa Om{H$`a `m§Zm nmQ>bmÀ`m g§^mfUm_mJMo VH©$emó H$imbo. Añn¥í`VoÀ`m `m àWo_wio Ë`m§À`m JmS>rdmZmMm Am{U n`m©`mZo IwÔ Ë`m§Mmhr hmoUmam An_mZ ghZ H$ê$Z KoUo eŠ`M ZìhVo.

nwT>À`m EH$m Xm¡è`mÀ`m doir Ë`m JmdÀ`m hÔrVyZ KmoJaJmdmV naVVmZm Om{H$`a~m~m§Zr dm_Z_m_m§Zm KmoS>mJmS>r Zoho_rà_mUo doerImbyZ KoÊ`mMm hþHy$_ Ho$bm. Km~aV Km~aV dm_Z_m_m§Zr JmS>r doerH$S>o didbr Voìhm JmdMo nmQ>rb MmdS>rdaM hmoVo. Om{H$`a~m~m§Mm N>H$S>m {Yå`m{Yå`m doJmZo doerH$S>o `oD$ bmJbm VgVgo nmQ>rbH$sMo aº$ ZgmZgm§V {^Zboë`m nmQ>rb~wdm§Zm amhdoZm. Vm~S>Vmo~ nwT>o `oD$Z Ë`m§Zr Vo dmhZ AS>dbo. eobŠ`m {eì`m hmgS>V Ë`m§Zr KmoS>çmMm bJm_ dm_Z_m_m§H$S>y>Z {hgH$mdyZ KoVbm Am{U Ë`m§À`m hmVmVrb doVhr Xya \o$Hy$Z {Xbm.

Amnë`m JmS>rdmZmbm Hw$R>ë`mVar nÕVrZo {damoY hmoB©b Aer Om{H$`a~m~m§Zm WmoS>r\$ma H$ënZm hmoVrM. _mÌ ho àH$aU `m Wambm OmB©b Ago H$mhr Ë`m§Zm dmQ>bo ZgUma. Amnë`m dmhZmbm doerVyZ JmdmV {eaÊ`mg Agm à{V~§Y ìhmdm Am{U Vmohr Añn¥í`VoÀ`m H$maUm_wio ho \$mXa Om{H$`aZm ghZ hmoUo eŠ` ZìhVo. Ago åhUVmV H$s Ë`mjUr Om{H$`a~m~m N>H$S>çmVyZ Imbr CVabo Am{U Ë`m à_mXm~Ôb Ë`m nmQ>bmMr ^anya {nQ>mB© Ho$br. EdT>çmdaM Z Wm§~Vm Z§Va Am¡a§Jm~mXbm OmD$Z Ë`m§Zr nmobrg ImË`mV Am{U H$boŠQ>aH$S>ohr `m~m~V VH«$mahr Ho$br. EH$m `wamo{n`ZmMr KmoS>mJmS>r AS>{dÊ`mMo ho àH$aU Ë`m JmdÀ`m nmQ>bmbm nwT>o \$maM ÌmgXm`H$ R>abo. nm{Q>b~wdm§Zr Z§Va Om{H$`a~m~m§Mr Pmë`m KQ>Zo~m~V _m\$s _m{JVbr. Amnë`m ñd^mdmZwgma \$mXam§Zr Ë`m§Zm VËH$mi j_mhr Ho$br Am{U ho àH$aU EH$XmMo {_Q>bo.

EH$m JmdÀ`m nmQ>bmg Añn¥í`VoÀ`m àWo_wio {_imboë`m Ë`m àgmXmMr Ë`mH$mimV n§MH«$moerV ^anya MMm© Pmbr Agmdr. H$maU Ë`mH$mimV Vê$U Agboë`m AZoH$m§H$Sy>Z øm KQ>ZoMo H$m¡VwH${_lrV Am{U H$mhr A{Ve`mo{º$`wº$ dU©Z _r AZoH$Xm EoH$bo Amho. øm KQ>Zo_wio daÀ`m OmVrVrb bmoH$m§Zm Oa~ ~gbr AgobM. Ë`m{edm` {¼ñVr _hmam§Zm {H$Vr hÎmtMo _mZ{gH$ ~i {_imbo Agob `mMr H$ënZm H$aVm `oVo.

_amR>dmS>çmV Am{U Ah_XZJa {Oëô`mV Joë`m XmoZeo dfmªÀ`m H$mimV eo-XrS>eo naXoer Y_©Jwê$§Zr H$m_ Ho$bo Amho. Ë`mn¡H$r Wmoa _hmË_o Am{U g§V åhUyZ JUë`m Joboë`m {_eZat_Ü`o Om{H$`a~m~m§Mm Am{U g§J_ZoaÀ`m ew{~Ja~m~m§Mm g_mdoe hmoVmo. Om{H$`a~m~m§À`m KmoJaJmd `oWrb g_mYrnmer Ë`m§Mr KmoS>mJmS>rhr R>odÊ`mV Ambr Amho. Om{H$`a~m~m§{df`r AmXa`wŠV ^mdZm AgUmao ^m{dH$ `m g_mYrbm ^oQ> XoVmV, Voìhm Om{H$`a~m~m§{df`r§À`m AZoH$ ñ_¥VtZm COmim {_iV AgVmo.

g§X^© :

1) S>m°.Eb.dm`.Am¡Ma_b, 'Am§~oS>H$ar Midi Am{U h¡Xam~mX g§ñWmZmVrb X{bV _wº$s g§J«m_', àH$meH$: Cfm dmK, gwJmdm àH$meZ, 861/1, gXm{ed noR> , nwUo - 411 030 (àW_md¥Îmr 1997) (nmZ 113)

2)'{Zamoß`m' _m{gH$, _o 1944, àH$meH$ : gmogm`Q>r Am°\$ {OPg (`oeyg§K), ñZohgXZ, e{Zdma noR>, nwUo 411 030 (nmZ 148)

(nyd©à{gÜXr:' H$m{_b nmaIo, 'JmdHw$gm~mhoaMm {¼ñVr g_mO', àH$meH$: Cfm dmK, gwJmdm àH$meZ, nwUo (2007) Am{U {Zamoß`m' _m{gH$, OyZ 2008)

Christians hail caste inclusion in census

Christians hail caste inclusion in census

http://www.sakaaltimes.com/SakaalTimesBeta/20100513/5741562463657674903.htm

CAMIL PARKHE

Thursday, May 13, 2010 AT 01:23 PM (IST)
Tags: CBCI, Church, caste, census, Christianity, Dalit Christians
PUNE: The Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), the apex body of the Catholic Church in the country, has welcomed the government’s willingness to include caste in the national census.
The CBCI has said that the move will facilitate identification of the dalit Christians - the erstwhile untouchables converted to Christianity - and help them get benefits extended to dalits belonging
to other religions.
In an interview to a Christian website, Fr Babu Joseph, CBCI spokesperson, welcomed the Centre’s proposal and said that since caste remains a social reality, there should be the “actual picture of people belonging to a particular caste.” However, such data should be used for ‘our long term aim of removing caste’ from society, he said.
The Church, which does not endorse casteism in its community, however recognises existence of dalits in its fold and has been demanding that they should be given all the concessions given to dalit Sikhs and Buddhists.
Fr Malcolm Sequeira, spokesperson of Pune diocese, has said that mere religious conversion does not bring any changes into the socio-economic status of the dalits. Therefore, dalit Christians should not be discriminated on the grounds of their religion. Fr Sequeira said that the census form should have two separate columns for caste and religions, so that even dalit Christians or dalits of any religion may be able to specify their caste as well as religion.
Tribals from northeastern states converted to Christianity continue to get quota meant for scheduled tribes even after conversion. This benefit is not extended to the dalits Christians, formerly belonging to various scheduled castes.

Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchability

"Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon
Catholic Mission in Aurangabad diocese (Maharashtra) - 1892 onwards"
By Camil parkhe

Published by: SFS Publications,
PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore, 560 010

ISBN 81-85376-78-6
First edition 2009
Copyright : SFS Publications

23) Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchability

Even after their conversion to Christianity, there was absolutely no change in the lifestyles of the members of untouchable community in any parts of India. They carried on with their traditional occupations (the vatandari) and customs, i.e, disposal of cattle carcasses, eating flesh of the dead animals, following orders of the members of the upper castes and making the two ends meet on whatever meager was paid to them in the form of grains. 1
The untouchables were so accustomed to the inhuman treatment meted out to them that they never even considered anything wrong or unjust with it. Even if anyone were to raise a murmur of protest against this treatment, the person would have found it difficult to live in the village community. First of all, he or she would have been ostracised by the members of the upper castes and would be denied any source of livelihood.
With the arrival of missionaries in the rural areas, the Mahar, Mang men and women who otherwise were compelled to move around with heads lowered and faces covered, slowly gained a self-esteem.
There was however some sort of relief for the Dalits when they embraced Christianity. Most of the Catholic and Protestant missionaries in Ahmednagar, Jalna and Aurangabad were from Germany, Switzerland, America, France etc. There were very few British priests in India. These missionaries tries to change the lifestyle of the untouchable communities by offering them education, jobs in the church complex.
Though the European missionaries were familiar with terms like slaves and slavery, they found it difficult to understand the concepts of casteism and untouchability, a legacy found only in India. According to this custom, a person was born as untouchable and died as untouchable. There was no way to make the person climb the social order and be a part of the higher caste community.
The Mahars, Mangs and other members of the other untouchable communities members were pleasantly shocked when the European missionaries mingled with them freely and also ate along them. Earlier no person superior to them in any respect would ever dare to physically touch them. These missionaries also worked for the upliftment of these forsaken communities by admitting their children into the Church-run schools. Children of untouchables in Ahmednagar, Sangamner, Rahata, Ghogargaon, Aurangabad and other adjoining areas had special schools run by these missionaries.
I have often heard my parents and relatives speaking about an incident associated with my maternal uncle, Waman Shingare, who had served as a horse cart driver to Fr Jacquier. This incident is a classic example of the psychological support extended by the Christian missionaries to the Dalits against their higher caste oppressors. During the 19th and 20th centuries many foreign missionaries must have boosted the morale of the newly baptized Christians in this manner.
Before the Independence, jurisdiction of Ghogargaon mission centre included several villages in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district. Fr Jacquier frequently visited these villages with my uncle Waman Shingare in the cart driver’s seat.
During those days, there were several restrictions on the members of the untouchable communities. For example, they were not allowed to flaunt new clothes or wear footwear in the presence of the higher caste people. They were required to take off footwear while approaching an upper caste individual. The bride belonging to an untouchable caste was not allowed to move ceremoniously in a procession in the village while sitting on a horse back.
This was the situation prevailing in Maharashtra and most parts of India when Fr Jacquier preached Christianity in Aurangabad district. Therefore, the sight of a young Mahar speedily driving a horse cart through the village entrance gates was considered by the higher caste persons as most outrageous. They viewed it as a serious violation of the age-old chaturvarna (social hierarchy based on four categories) custom.
However Waman was a cart driver of a missionary who was an European, a white man. No one could dare to stop the cart in which Fr Jacquier was travelling. Scolding Waman for violating the rules of untouchability would have invited the wrath and displeasure of the white sahib. People knew how Jacquierbaba alone used to bring an abrupt end to stage shows of tamasha troupes at various places. It was necessary to prevent the untouchable Waman from riding his cart through this village entrance gate in this ‘objectionable’ style. His act would have encouraged many other lower caste youths and others to challenge the custom of untouchability and the prevailing social hierarchy.
Once Waman was driving the horse cart through a village gate when the local village Patil could no longer contain his rage. He signaled Waman to halt the cart as soon as the vehicle approached nearer.
"Hey you Mahar, how can you be so arrogant? How dare you seat in the cart while crossing the village gate? Step down immediately from the cart and walk. And don’t you dare to repeat driving the cart in this village again," the village chief shouted.
Threatened in this manner, Waman immediately slowed down the cart, stepped down and started on foot still holding the reigns in his hands. He occupied the cart driver’s seat again only after moving out of the village border when he was totally out of the sight of the patil.
It was later that Waman informed Jacquierbaba about the conversation transpired between him and the village patil. He told Jacquierbaba that the members of the untouchable communities had no right to ride a horse cart while crossing a village entrance gate or when an upper caste individual was nearby. An untouchable individual was expected to run either before or after the cart when his master was sitting in the horse cart.
Jacquierbaba was furious but he decided to wait for another occasion to react to this barbaric custom. Some days later, Jacquierbaba’s horse cart was returning to Ghogargaon via the same village. Coincidentally, the village patil along with a few other persons was sitting in the Chawadi, the village community place, when the horse cart approached nearer. As instructed by Jacquierbaba, Waman slowed down the pace of the cart. His fears came true as the enraged village chief rushed to the cart. Abusing Waman, he snatched away the horse bridle.
Jacquierbaba had never imagined whatever had transpired before his eyes. He was furious that his cart driver was being humiliated on the grounds of his untouchable caste. Within a few seconds, Jacquierbaba stepped down from the cart. It is said that he trashed the village chief in the presence of the local villagers gathered at the site. The missionary did not stop there. He later approached Aurangabad district collectorate to complaint against the village patil's behaviour. The village chief subsequently had to face music for halting the horse cart of the European missionary. Eventually, Patil apologised over his high handedness and true to his nature, Jacquirbaba pardoned him immediately and also withdrew the complaint against him.

This episode relating to the custom of untouchability had caused a sensation in rural parts of Aurangabad district. The incident must have served as a warning to many upper castes persons who used to exploit the Christians and others belonging to the untouchable communities.


* * * * * *

The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’

By Camil parkhe

Publisher: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi


4. The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism


Even though untouchability and casteism had been practiced for several centuries among the Christian communities in south India, the Church hierarchy avoided either dissuading the people from following these practices or taking action against those perpetuating these social evils. The British rulers in India had taken a lesson from the war of independence of 1857 and to continue their rule decided not to interfere in the religious matters of India. Even before the arrival of the British in India, Robert De Nobili and other European missionaries had adopted a similar view in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Madurai and Tiruchirapally.

The European missionaries did not believe in the practice of untouchability. However they realised that the converts faced the risk of ex-communication from their own community if they gave up practices of casteism and untouchability after embracing Christianity. So the missionaries decided to go slow in the matter. As a result, inhuman practices like untouchability could take roots in the south Indian Christian communities and continued to flourish for many years even after Independence.

Missionaries connive at casteism, untouchability

In Madurai and other areas of southern India, during Robert De Nobili’s time, many Brahmins embraced Christianity. However, the high caste Hindus coming into Christianity meant closing the doors of Christianity to the low caste and untouchable communities. The missionaries faced a difficult dilemma- whether to choose high castes or low castes for their missionary work. If they selected one caste, it was certain that the other would turn its back on them. The missionaries did not want to lose either of the two. Therefore depending on the possibilities at different places at different times, they baptised people from both the communities and bought them to Christ.

The missionaries permitted the converts to continue observing social customs like untouchability, casteism, strictly vegetarian diet in case of the Brahmins and non-vegetarianism of the lower castes, etc. The missionaries presumed that having learnt the tenets of Christianity, over a period of time the converts would give up untouchability and casteism. This proved wrong.

The native high caste missionaries may have found nothing amiss in all this. As a result, the walls of casteism continued to separate the Indian Christians from each other for nearly four centuries after they gave up Hinduism. Till the twentieth century, the erstwhile high caste Christians continued to be vegetarians and no inter-caste marriages took place within the Christian community.

Cyril Bruce Firth says- “On the whole, the Roman Catholic Church did not directly address the problem of casteism. It was assumed that casteism is an inevitable social aspect of life in India, therefore it was permitted to have social strata as per caste in the Christian community. Still, due to education, casteism was curtailed. It condemned the extreme casteism in the form of untouchability and hoped that unity will slowly grow in the society.”1

‘Dalit is dignified’

The dalit converts to Christianity were initially referred to by the Catholic Church. as ‘Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin (CSCO). This term was frequently used since the First National Convention of Christian leaders held in Bangalore in 1978. After the 1970s and in the 1980s, the term ‘dalit Christians’ was accepted in the Christian circles of south India. Like the famous phrase- ‘black is beautiful’, the phrase, ’dalit is dignified’ found acceptance with the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement which began to take strong roots in south India after the mid 1980s.



The term ‘dalit Christian’ had led to greater awareness among the dalit Protestant Christians as early as 1970s. The national conference of All India Catholic Union (AICU) held in 1989 passed a resolution formalising the use of ‘dalit Christians’ in reference to the Scheduled Caste Christians. This very conference also dedicated the 1990s as the ‘decade of the dalit Christians’.2

The issue of discrimination towards the dalits in churches and across the Christian community was discussed for the first time at the meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) held at Bangalore in 1969.3 Thereafter, the CBCI has made substantial efforts to remove casteism within the Christian community and to secure reservations and other concessions for the dalit Christians.

The general body meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India held in Goa in 1986 appointed a commission under the chairmanship of Bishop Cheriankunnel to take up the cause of Scheduled Castes, Tribes and Backward Classes. 3



References:

1.Firth, Cyril Bruce ‘Hindi Khristi Mandalicha Itihas’, translator- Ratnakar Hari Kelkar, (Page 301).

2.L. Stanislaus, ‘The Liberative Mission of the Church among Dalit Christians’, (Page 44).

3.As above, page 117

4.as above, page 117

Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’   By Camil Parkhe
Published by Indian Society for Promotion of  Christian Knowledge, New Delhi
3. Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

In Maharashtra, untouchability and casteism are not observed on a large scale among the Christians. The main reason being that the majority of the converted are from erstwhile untouchable castes. Thus there is no untouchability as seen in southern India. However this has no relation to rapid urbanisation and modernisation in the State. In Maharashtra, majority of the converted Christians came from the untouchable Mahar caste. In some parts of Marathwada region, people belonging to the Mang community, another erstwhile untouchable caste, were also converted.

Although high caste persons like Neelkanthashastri `Nehemya’ Gore, Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, Rev, Narayan Waman Tilak, Laxmibai Tilak and others became Protestant Christians, it is rather strange that not a single high caste person was attracted to the Catholic sect, which is in majority among the Christians the world over. Of course, there are some historical reasons for the same. In nineteenth century Maharashtra as Western culture stepped in and Christian philosophy began influencing great reformists like Mahatma Phule, and Prarthana Samajist R G Bhandarkar, the work of Catholic priests had not even started in the State except in Mumbai and Vasai.

`In his book ‘ Khristi Dharma’, G. V. Ketkar, noted scholar and the former editor of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Marathi daily Kesari, has stated,” Indian Christians are part of our race, language and blood. India is as much their nation as is ours. Excommunicating them after conversion to Christianity is a dangerous custom for Hindus. Indian Christians and the nation as well must give a fervent thought to the problems and sorrows of the Indian Christians.”1

Of course, this remark had a reference to persons like, Rev. Tilak, his wife and veteran writer Laxmibai Tilak, Narayan Sheshadri, Rev. Neelkanthshastri ‘Nehemiah’ Gore, and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati who were converted to Christianity from high castes. As the majority of the Marathi Christians were converted from untouchable castes, there was no question of excommunicating them further. These people who were already among the lowest strata, could not have been pushed further down the rigid Hindu caste hierarchy.

Compared to the Catholics, the Protestants had taken a lead in missionary work in the areas surrounding Pune, Ahmednagar and Kolhapur in western Maharashtra. Among the Protestants the erstwhile high caste persons were very few and some of them excelled in various fields. The others in this sect were erstwhile dalits and were in majority. The Catholic missionaries who came much later had to restrict their work to dalit communities.2

Christian Missionaries challenge casteism, untouchability

Towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Jesuit priests (members of the religious organisation Society of Jesus (S J ) started missionary work in the Ahmednagar district. Initially, Fr Otto Weishaupt, a German priest, started separate schools for the touchable and untouchable castes in the Kendal area near Rahuri. However, later settling at nearby Sangamner and considering the hostile view of high caste people towards Christianity, he decided to challenge the inhuman practices of casteism and untouchability and opened a common school there for all religions and castes. Fr Dr. Christopher Shelke who had authored the history of Christian missionaries in Ahmednagar district has noted this.3 Later other missionaries too discarded the practices of casteism and untouchability and did not accept these ideas in their missionary work among the locals. Considering the situation then, this was certainly a bold decision. This helped counseling among high and low caste people in the district.

In Ahmednagar district, initially low caste people from Mahar, Mang, Bhil and Dhanagar communities got converted to Christianity. When Catholic and Protestant sects started missionary work in this district, the casteism in Hindu religion showed its influence. Even among the so-called untouchables and low castes, each community considered itself superior to the other and therefore, refused to have any interaction with the other `low’ caste people. Thus, the dalit Christians belonging to the Mahar caste refused to have matrimonial or any kinds of social alliances with the dalit Christians belonging to the Mang caste. The situation has not improved even in this twenty first century. In his book ‘Ambedkari Chalwal : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Avinash Dolas has rightly commented : “These people who wanted to demolish casteism introduced casteism into Christianity.4

The foreign missionaries belonging to both Catholic and Protestant missions wanted to teach equality to a society, where casteism was deep-rooted. They concentrated on a particular caste and community though it was not their intention to preach the gospel to a particular community. They were compelled to do so due to the prevailing caste system in Hindu society. During the time of Robert De Nobili in the seventeenth century, the missionary work was done among the Brahmin community. As a result, the possibility of untouchable communities being kept away from Christianity arose. Similarly, in Maharashtra, if untouchables were to be welcomed into Christianity, it was certain that the high caste Marathas would stay away. In such a situation, the foreign missionaries selected to work among those sections of society where they would be most effective.

Mahars and Mangs were the two untouchable castes from which people accepted either Catholic or Protestant beliefs, and hence, even after conversion they could retain their homogeneity. Dr. Shelke has noted that Catholic priests initially, i.e. towards the end of nineteenth century, converted people from communities like Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars, Bhils and so on in the areas of Kendal and Sangamner.5 In a particular area, across several villages, a majority of families from the same caste got converted into Christianity. Therefore the danger of being excommunicated was averted. The original caste being the same, even after conversion these societies remained homogeneous, and as such the problems like excommunication or ban on marriages did not arise. Since their caste background was the same there was no question of untouchability or casteism among them.

Had there been missionary work across the caste spectrum from upper castes to intermediate castes like Brahmins, Marathas, Malis etc. then there would have been problem of casteism among the Maharashtrian Christians as was observed earlier among the Christians in southern India.

Ajit Lokhande, an India-born Christian researcher based in Germany, has been rather forthright in stating that in a way it was good that the high caste people from Western Maharashtra and Marathwada did not adopt Christianity. “The Mahars, not the caste Hindus, were chosen and blessed with open heart to the word of God. The missionaries never succeeded in entering the realm of caste Hindus. Was it good? Not good? It is difficult to say. Perhaps it was good so. Or else we would have had the skirmishes between castes within the Catholic Church as we see in Tamil Nadu or in Andhra Pradesh. Perhaps we would have experienced differences in the church something like Rites disputes in Kerala. Or even like the silent caste discrimination among the traditional Goan Catholics, which comes to surface on certain occasions. The practice of equality among the children of God is not to be taken for granted in the Catholic Church.’’6 Although, all children of God are equal as per the principle accepted by the Catholic society, it is not necessary that this would be implemented in practice.

The people who embraced Buddhism along with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar comprised mainly Mahars, therefore casteism could not prevail in the neo-Buddhist community. While there were no caste conflicts among dalit Christians in Maharashtra, it cannot be denied that differences over sects surfaced after the conversions. But compared to the Catholics, the number of Protestants is low in Maharashtra, and hence the differences among these sects have not surfaced in the open.

The Catholic and Protestant missionaries, who did not believe in casteism, however, did not oppose untouchability and other caste practices in the Christian community of Southern India for three to four centuries. Had they opposed this wicked practice then, there was a danger of the high caste communities drifting away from Christian religion. Since, there was no awareness in the Christian community itself about this aspect, casteism continued openly for several centuries in Southern India and by stealth in Vasai and Goa.

If efforts are made to bring together the dalits and high castes, or for that matter any other castes and sub castes, for whatever reasons, those who consider themselves high castes do not turn up; this was the experience of the great social reformer Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde in Maharashtra of the twentieth century.

Maharshi Shinde says in his book ’Bharatiya Asprusshatecha Prashna’: “The three supposedly untouchable castes of Mahars, Chambhars and Mangs did not see eye to eye when we opened schools for helping the destitute. Initially nobody used to come. Later Mahars started coming. But due to this very reason and the suspicion that our mission was to bring them all- Mahars Chambhars and Mangs- at par, the Chambhars (who despite being low castes considered themselves superior to Mahars and Mangs) stopped coming. How the already oppressed castes fail to take advantage of effort put in by well wishers due to the prevalent casteism is clear from the statistical data collected by the Depressed Classes Mission of the last five years. It establishes that the Chambars refuse to sit along with Mahars and Mangs and thus prefer not to take advantage of our mission and prefer to forgo the Mission’s benefits.”7

In the post-independence days an organised opposition to casteism started both within the Christian community and the churches. Catholic and Protestant priests started supporting the rights of dalit Christians both within the community and outside.

That castes continue to rule the lives of Indians has been proved time and again by their exclusive food habits, birth and marriage customs. The restrictions on food habits may be fast disappearing in the era of globalistion, but when it comes to marriages even among the ever-increasing tribe of migrants to the West, each detail of the caste and sub caste is looked into.

It is no different back home when it comes to the Maharashtrian Christian families. While looking for a marriage alliance, they look for people in their native places like Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Latur, and Nashik and Kolhapur districts. For a marriage alliance they would not consider friends or brother Christians from Goa, Kerala, Mangalore or Tamil Nadu. There is no denying the fact. Therefore, Prof. Devdatta Husale has posed a question in his lecture, as the president of the fourth ‘Dalit Christian Marathi Sahitya Sammelan’, “ Why these hypocritical Christians who say caste becomes immaterial or non-existent after conversion, rush to Ahmednagar, Jalna and Kolhapur for marriage alliances? Why do they look at their place of origin? This implies that Christians still look for their original caste. How long can this fact be suppressed?” 8

In India, any person from Hindu tradition, on conversion to Christianity, Buddhism or Islam, cannot get rid of his original caste. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar however said this is the folly of the Indian tradition. While answering the question ‘ Why conversion?’ he said, “ It is argued by Hindus that there is no point in resorting to conversion to avoid casteism, since casteism prevails in Christianity and Islam as well. Unfortunately, the fact is casteism has entered other communities too. But this has originated from Hinduism and has spread everywhere. Although there is casteism among Christians and Muslims, it is different from casteism within Hinduism. There may be casteism among Christian and Islamic communities, but it is not the main aspect of their society. When asked ‘ Who are you?’ if somebody answers ‘I am a Christian’ or ‘I am a Muslim’, the answer is adequate and satisfying. It is not necessary to ask ’What is your caste?’ The origin of casteism in Hinduism is the religion itself. Casteism in Muslim and Christian communities has no bearing on the respective religions. If Hindus ever decide to dissolve casteism, then the religion itself will pose an obstacle. But, if Christians and Muslims decide to end the practice of casteism, their religion will not be an obstacle.9

Conversion is a revolt against Chaturvana, exploitation: Rev Nirmal

Rev. Arvind Nirmal who is credited with ushering in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra, says –‘Conversion is not the solution to all the problems arising out of being a dalit. But the act of our conversion to Christianity is our revolt against Hinduism, the religion that created dalitatva, the religion that created the Chaturvarna system and exploited us socially, economically and politically in the name of religion and imposed on us life equivalent to the animals. This religion did not allow us to lead a life of human being. Therefore, through our act of conversion, we have turned down Hinduism and revolted against it. It is immaterial whether conversion wipes out dalitatva but I feel the ‘rejections’, ‘protests’, and ‘revolts’ expressed through conversion are much more important. 10

References: -

1.Gajanan Vishwanath Ketkar, ‘ Khristi Dharma ‘, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth Suvarna Mahotsav Granth : 4, first edition 1969 (Page 231)

2.Felix Alfred Plattner, ‘ The Catholic Church in India, Yesterday and Today’, St. Paul Publications, 28-B, Chatham Lines, Allahabad – 2. Uttar Pradesh, 1984 (Pages 147 to 153).

3.Fr (Dr) Christopher Shelke, History of the missionary work in Ahmednagar district published in ‘ Niropya’ Marathi monthly in 1977, 1978, and 1979 issues, monthly edited and published by Fr Prabhudhar, Rosary Church, Ajra, Kolhapur district

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘ Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Sugava Prakashan Pune, first edition1995, (page 47)

5.Dr Christopher Shelke, ‘Niropya’ Marathi monthly, January 1978, (pages 9 and 10),

6.Ajit Lokhande, ‘Pune Jesuit Mission and Catechists in Ahmednagar District:’ A research paper presented at the conference held to commemorate the arrival of German Jesuits on the west coast of India (1854-2004), Pune 2005 (Unpublished)

7.Vitthal Ramji Shinde, ‘Bharatiya Asprushyatecha Prashna’, Koushalya Prakashan edition , N- 11, C-3/24/3, Hudco, Aurangabad, 431 003, 2003 (Page 136).

8.Sunil Adhav, ‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya  Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ – Khristi Sahitya Sammelan (Prabandha Sangraha) Maharashtra Khristi Sahitya Parishad 1972, (Page 346)

9.Dr. Bhalchandra Dinkar Phadke (edited) ‘ Dr. Ambedkaranche Samajchintan’, Majestic Prakashan, and Marathi Tatwadnyan Mahakosh Mandal, first edition, May 1989 (Page 105, 106).

10.Sunil Adhav, ‘‘ Dharma Christacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ (Page 310)

Untouchability and dalits in 20th century

Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon

(Catholic mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892 onwards)

By Camil Parkhe
camilparkhe@gmail.com


Copyright : SFS Publications
Published by: SFS Publications,

PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore, 560 010


ISBN 81-85376-78-6

First edition 2009


Index

i) Preface- Bishop Edwin Colaco, Aurangabad diocese
ii) Fr Marian Fernandes, MSFS Provincial, Pune Province
iii) Fr Stephen Almeida, parish priest of Ghogargaon
1) A pilgrimage to Ghogargaon
2) Arrival of Christianity in Nizam’s Hyderabad state
3) Ghogargaon – First MSFS mission in Nagpur diocese
4) Fr Marian Thomas, Mission founder
5) Fr Jacquier- From France to Ghogargaon
6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century
7) Dalit Christians during pre-independence era
8) Portrait of Fr Gurien Jacquier
9) Boosting morale of Dalit Christians
10) Foundation of Borsar mission
11) World War I: MSFS priests in Jesuits’ Nagar missions
12) Fr Jacquier in Rahata
13) Fr Berger in Kendal
14) Social scenario in Rahata, Sangamner, Kendal
15) A Jesuit’s tribute to MSFS priests
16) Christianity in Marathwada (1915-1923)
17 Fr Forel in Borsar mission
18) Christ the King Church, Ghogargaon
19 Lohgaon-Bidkin mission - Paithan
20) Archbishop Doering’s visit to Ghogargaon
21) A missionary’s dilemma
22) Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Jacquierbaba
23) Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchabalility
24) First local vocations: Fr Monteiro, Bro Taide
25) Jacquierbaba in his twilight years
26) Civic reception to Jacquierbaba
27) Called to eternal reward
28) Ghogargaon: Two sons of soil ordained priests
29) Formation of Aurangabad diocese
30) Parishes in Aurangabad (Marathwada) diocese
------

6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived from France in Ghogargaon in Aurangabad district when the 20th century was about to end. The British had by that time established their political rule almost all over India. Aurangabad district was at that time a part of the princely state of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Ghogargaon became Fr Jacquier’s permanent home. He was transferred from there twice but returned to his ‘home’ again where he spent his twilight years and chose this obscure village as his final resting place.
The role played by this missionary in transforming the prevalent social, religious structure would be known only when one takes into consideration the feudal society, the rigid caste structure and the barbarian, inhuman custom of untouchability, called by Mahatma Gandhi as the scourge on humanity. In the 20th century, the human habitation was not found located at one place in the village. Some people preferred to stay on their farms, a cluster some 10 to 12 homes used to locate elsewhere and it was called as Wadi. The central location of the village where a majority of the villagers lived was called as ‘Gaothan’. This main site of the village used to well fortified with a wall and a main tall entrance to protect the villagers from dacoits and other unwanted unscrupulous elements. This fortified wall was called as Gaokusu. Only the people belonging to the high caste were permitted to live within the protected walls of the gaokusu. The others, the outcaste people, were condemned to live beyond the village territory and were allowed to step in the village only when their services were required by the upper echelon.
The high caste community which lived in the village enclosure included those belonging to the first three of the total four varnas or the chaturvarnas. The three varnas which enjoyed social dignity included Brahmins, Kshatriyas and the Vaishyas as described in the Manu Smriti, the law book of Manu. The upper caste community too was divided into various sub-castes and groups, with some groups claiming the superiority of their sub-castes and the others contesting these claims.
The people belonging to the last Varna, Shudras were those who lived outside the village fence wall. The main outcastes, also referred to as untouchables, were the Mahar, Mang and Chambar (cobblers). Besides, there were also some tribes and nomadic tribes which had inferior status in the social structure.
                Unlike the other upper and lower castes, the Mahars are found almost in all villages in Maharashtra. According to some scholars, in fact, Maharashtra has earned its name, the Rashtra (nation) of Mahars, from its dominant Mahar population. Veteran anthropologist Dr Iravati Karve has said that except the Mahars, no other caste, not even the Maratha or Kunbi, has its presence in all villages of the Maharashtra state in India. 1
The untouchables are those whose even sight was considered as inauspicious and bad omen and the upper caste people considered it to be a sin to touch them. The upper caste people had to bathe again to purify themselves if any time they accidentally touched the untouchables.
Some books published in Marathi during the early years of the 20th century throw light on the social situation, the caste-based barter system and the condition of the untouchables in Maharashtra during this period. Trimbak Narayan Aatre who had served as a tehsildar during the British regime has written a book in Marathi, entitled ‘Gaogada’, ‘the village chariot’ which was published in 1915. 2
Another relevant book is ‘The Mahar folk- a study of untouchables in Maharashtra’ written by Rev Alexander Robertson and published in 1938. 3
Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra)’ is another book, written by economist Dr V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, his colleague at the Pune-based Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics which throws light on the social structure prevailing in the 1950s when the country had got freed of its political shackles. 4
The horrifying predicament of the untouchable communities is also reflected in the autobiographical writings of the Dalit writers published in Marathi after 1970s.
The settlements of the Mahars and the Mangs, located outside the village’s boundary walls used to be called as the Maharwada or Mangwada, respectively. In Vaijapur and Gangapur talukas of Aurangabad district where Fr Jacquier worked, Maharwada was ironically referred to as the Rajwada (the palace). Many residents of the Maharwadas in these talukas were converted to Christianity by Fr Jacquier and his MSFS priest colleagues. Nonetheless, a century after their conversion, these settlements are referred to as Rajwada even in 2008. So much is the rigidity of the caste system in India.
The villages which had a boundary wall from all sides to protect the villagers from the thugs and dacoits had an entry gate, the Wes. The gates used to be closed after sunset and opened only after the break of the dawn. The wes was guarded by a weskar, a member of the Mahar community. The Weskar would function as a watchman, keeping a close vigil on the people entering and going out of the village. He would also stand as main witness in the event of any civil or criminal dispute in the village.
The settlement of the lower castes and the untouchables was always on the lower directions of the river or steam. This enabled the higher caste people to collect or avail of the flowing water before it was contaminated by the touch of the lower castes people or the untouchables. There was a hierarchy even among the so-called higher castes and the flowing water was consumed as per this social ladder.
Accordingly, the Brahmins who unquestionably stood at the top of the social ladder availed of the river, stream water first, followed by the upper caste people such as the Marathas, goldsmiths, Kunbis, Malis and others. Even the untouchables had hierarchy among themselves and their locations of river/stream water consumption were fixed accordingly. In the lower caste hierarchy, the Ramoshis and Chambhars stood on a higher plain, followed by the Dhor, the Mahar and the Mang. The Bhangis or the scavengers stood at the bottom of this social pyramid. Of course, in practice, the Mahars considered themselves higher than the Mangs or the Chambhars and the vice versa.
When the rivers or the stream dried during the summer and in areas where there were no flowing sources of water, the entire community within the village boundary and the outside had to depend on the wells. Most of the times, each of the upper castes and the lower castes people had their independent wells. The untouchables had to depend totally on the mercy of the higher caste people when they had no wells of their own or when these wells got dried during the summer. The untouchables were forbidden to draw water from the wells meant for the upper castes and they had to wait near the wells for some good soul from the upper castes to take pity on them and pour water on their hands to quench their thirst. But the upper caste man or woman would take care to pour from safe distance lest he or she be defiled by the touch or shadow of the untouchables. In the history of the humankind, no other parts of the world ever had such most inhuman, cruel traditions. Perhaps, even the slaves during the ancient period were treated with more consideration!
The treatment meted out to the untouchables was worse that the treatment given to the slaves during ancient period. The barbarian social practice of untouchability perhaps had only one parallel in the history of human kind – the treatment given to the black people – the people of African race who were denied basic human rights in their countries or in Europe and America on account of the colour of their skin.
It was the total contempt for the inhuman custom of untouchability that led to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to launch a stir to open the Chavdar Lake at Mahad in the Konkan region of Maharashtra in 1927. Even after this agitation, the public water bodies in Maharashtra were not thrown open to the untouchables. The high caste people also refused to open the public temples to the Dalits.

This stubborn attitude of the high caste community had led much exasperated Dr Ambedkar to declare his intention in 1927 to give up Hinduism and to embrace another religion which would offer him and his followers a dignified life. Despite his threat, there was no change in the attitude of the higher caste community, forcing Dr Ambedkar and his numerous followers to give up Hinduism and embrace Buddhism in 1956.

“During our survey of 72 villages, we have not come across any incident of the untouchables availing of the water at the public wells in their villages,” wrote veteran economist V M Dandekar and his companion M B Jagtap a few years after India had gained Independence. 5

This was the social situation prevailing when Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in 1896 to preach the gospel in rural parts of Aurangabad district. The only people who positively responded to him and embraced Christianity were the Mahars, the untouchables. It was indeed a great challenge to socially and spiritually shape this most oppressed community. The French missionary took the gauntlet and did not give up till he breathed his last in the same village five decades later.
References:
1) Iravati Karve, ‘Mahar Ani Maharashtra (Mahar and Maharashtra), ‘Paripurti’ (Marathi), published by Deshmukh and Company Pvt Ltd., 473, Sadashiv Peth, Pune 411 030 (10th edition 1990), (page 74)
2) Trimbak Narayan Aatre, ‘Gaongada’ (Village Cycle) Publishers: H A Bhave, Warada Books, 397/1, Senapati Bapat Road, Pune 411 016 (Third edition, reprinting 1995)
3) Alexander Robertson, ‘The Mahar Folk- A study of untouchables in Maharashtra – The religious life of India series’; Publishers- Y M C A Publishing House, 5 Russell Street, Kolkata, Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press (first edition 1938), second edition published in 2005 by Dr Ashok Gaikwad, Kaushalya Prakashan, N-11, C-3/24/3, HUDCO, Aurangabad (Maharashtra)
4) V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, ‘Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra), Published by D R Gadgil, Gokhale Institute of Economics, Pune (1957)
5) As above; Page 10

Splendid story of an enlightened life

Splendid story of an enlightened life

Posted by Gandhi Serve Foundation on April 27, 2009 at 11:31am in Mahatma Gandhi News Digest
Back to Mahatma Gandhi News Digest Discussions
Splendid story of an enlightened life
http://www.sakaaltimes.com/2009/04/27145633/Splendid-story-of-an-en...

Sakaal Times - Pune, India
By Camil Parkhe
Two months ago, Martin Luther King III, the eldest child of Rev Martin Luther King Junior, led a delegation that toured India to mark the golden jubilee of his Nobel laureate father’s visit to India. King (Jr), who led an intensified struggle against segregation of the Blacks in the USA, visited India along with his wife Coretta at the invitation of prime minister Jawahralal Nehru in 1959. The life and contribution of King (Jr) has been described in a recent biography penned by Roger Bruns.
The book informs how the practice of segregation of the Blacks in schools, buses, theatres, hotels and parks continued in the USA right up to the late 1960s when that country was trying to reach the moon.
The biographer has narrated how King (Jr), a Baptist minister, was accidentally drawn into the anti-racism movement after a Black woman Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat in a city bus so that a White passenger is saved from the insult of sitting with a Black American in the same row. King Junior’s call to his fellow community members to boycott the city buses in Montgomery proved most successful. The boycott was called off after 381 days when the US Supreme Court ruled segregation in the city buses as unlawful.
The book provides insight into the personal and social life of King (Jr), and the struggle of the Black Americans. The book will be especially inspirational for those people who are associated with the movement for the rights of marginalised and oppressed sections of society.
King (Jr), as Baptist minister, was influenced by Jesus Christ’s teaching of love even for the oppressor; he thus adopted non-violence as the means to seek an end to racism. The book has a sub-chapter on Mahatma Gandhi and non-violence. It mentions that when King (Jr) was assassinated, a torn and fading piece of paper was found in his wallet. It had a handwritten quote of the Mahatma: “In the midst of death, life persists..”
The Indian readers would have however appreciated if the book had more references on how Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence and satyagraha boosted King’s morale to keep the struggle peaceful. Otherwise, it is a valuable collection.

Jesuit Robert De Nobili -Missionary

Book on Contribution of Christian Missionaries in India

‘Contribution of Christian Missionaries in India’
Written by Camil Parkhe
Published by Gujarat Sahitya Prakash,
Post Box No 70, Anand, 388 001
Gujarat, India

Email: booksgsp@gmail.com

First Published in 2007

ISBN 978 81 8937 36 2





Chapter 4.  Robert De Nobili – Father of incultaration in India


Christianity came to India within a few years of after Jesus Christ preached his gospel of love and peace in Israel. That was about 2000 years ago. St Thomas, one of the 12 apostles of the Christ, is credited with bringing Christianity to Kerala. A section of the Christian community in Kerala believes that they inherited their religion from St Thomas himself. Hence, Christianity in India has a tradition stretching 2000 years.

The European Christians missionaries who arrived on the Indian coast in the medieval period started propagating Christianity afresh. The Portuguese who gained political control over Goa started imposing their own culture on the Christians here. They treated the local customs and traditions with contempt. At that time a European missionary exhibited great courage to oppose this trend.  He invited the rage of his colleagues and religious superiors when he defended the local culture, life style and also adapted the local languages. He propounded that Christianity could be practised even after mingling completely with the culture of the country. This Christian priest convinced others that adapting the local culture without comprising the tenets of Christianity was indeed possible. The name of this great visionary missionary was Fr Robert De Nobili.

Fr Robert De Nobili originally hailed from Italy. He was born in a noble family of Rome in 1577. He arrived in Goa in 1605 as a member of the Society of Jesus, an association of the Catholic priests founded by St Ignatius of Loyola. The members of this religious body are known as the Jesuits. Young Robert had chosen India as the land for his missionary work. He completed his theology training at St. Paul's College in Goa and reached Madurai in Tamil Nadu in 1606. He was to spend a major part of his life in this historic city. 

After settling in Madurai, De Nobili started studying Tamil, the local language. He also started learning more about the local customs, traditions and beliefs. Soon, this priest realised that the local people used to refer all Europeans as firangis. Since Fr Nobili was a European, he too was referred to as a ‘firangi’. After spending some days in Madurai, he further realised that the word ‘firangi’ was not used with respect for a person, it had derogatory connotation. He also found out the reasons behind this. For the local orthodox populace, the lifestyle and dietary habits of all the Europeans was most shocking. The locals knew that all the Europeans were non-vegetarians and did not adhere to the basic rules of casteism and untouchability. It was not surprising that the locals started harbouring a feeling hatred for the Europeans who consumed flesh and had no qualms about maintaining normal relations even with the untouchables!

The untouchables were the members of the lowest social castes and consumed flesh and lived in ghettos far away from the colonies of the higher castes. The high caste and orthodox people, therefore, could not even think of having normal relationship with these Europeans, all of whom were referred to as firangis. Even those persons who maintained contacts with these firangis faced the risk of excommunication from their respective communities.

De Nobili had traveled thousands of miles from Rome in Europe to preach the gospel in India and to his horror, now he realised that in the eyes of the local people, he was a firangi.  It would be impossible for him to have any kind of contact or dialogue with anyone from the high caste community as long as they thought of him, as a firangi, and therefore kept him at a bay. Before De Nobili, other European priests too had reached Madurai and nearby places but their propagation of Christianity had remained confined only to the untouchable communities. Now Fr Robert De Nobili understood the reason for the same. He realised that to get blended with the local community, one had to mingle with the local culture.


Instead of bringing about changes in the customs and traditions of the locals, Robert De Nobili preferred changing his own lifestyle. The first thing he did was to give up consumption of flesh. As per the prevalent tradition among the Christian priests, Robert De Nobili used to wear a black cassock. He started using saffron coloured clothes and wooden sandals like Hindu hermits. He tonsured his head and started applying sandalwood paste on his forehead. He started moving about with a wooden staff in his right hand and a small kamandalu (water bowl) in his left hand. In the Indian society, only hermits used to wear such a costume.  It was for the first time in the 1,500 year-old history of Christianity that a missionary had accepted such type of costume. It was a revolutionary change in the history of the Church.

To bring about this change and make it acceptable to his religious colleagues and superiors, De Nobili had to face a long drawn battle with his fellow Jesuits and the hierarchy in the Catholic Church. De Nobili using the Hindu hermit’s costume and life style was just not acceptable to some of his colleagues and religious superiors. Some of them even argued that De Nobili's behaviour was against the basic tenets of Christianity.

But Fr. De Nobili justified his stand by citing a few references of arguments that had taken place during the early years of Christianity. Christianity has originated from the Jewish religion. Jesus Christ himself was a Jew and all his 12 apostles also were Jews. Thereafter, some non-Jews too started following Christianity and this led to a long debate on whether the gentiles, the non-Jews, should adopt Jewish traditions to embrace Christianity.

Circumcision is an important custom in Jew community. Some of the Christians insisted that every person aspiring to follow Christ, to be a Christian, must follow this Jewish custom.  But St. Paul said that acceptance of all Jewish social and religious customs need not be made mandatory to be a Christian. It was not at all necessary for people to give up their social, cultural moorings in order to be Christians.

We come across many such examples in the 2000-year-old history of Christianity. Having this background of theological and philosophical arguments to defend his stance, Fr. De Nobili maintained that following local traditions of India was not against Christianity.

Soon De Nobili became well versed in Tamil and Sanskrit. He ceased to be a firangi in the eyes of the locals when he adorned the costume of a hermit and gave up non-vegetarian food.  This foreign seer was slowly accepted by the locals as their ‘aiyar’ or ‘guru ’. The doors of this country had remained firmly closed for several years to the European missionaries who had come before De Nobili. One of the main reasons behind this was these Europeans' pride in their own culture and contempt for the local culture. De Nobili understood this very well. Therefore, he preferred to blend with the local traditions before preaching Christianity among the local populace. Due to his laborious work, for the first time in the medieval period the gates of India were opened for Christianity.

While learning the local languages, De Nobili also started studying the Vedas, the holy scriptures of the local people, in order to understand the basic tenets of Hinduism. Although, the Vedas were composed thousands of years ago, no westerner before him had ever studied them!  De Nobili was thus the first person from the western world to study Indian classics after learning Sanskrit.

De Nobili did not stop at changing his attire and life style alone. He was of the opinion that the locals who embraced Christianity need not give up their social and cultural traditions even after conversion. The Portuguese, who were ruling Goa on the west coast, had tried to force western culture on the local neo-Christians. De Nobili strongly opposed the imposition of western culture on the neo-Christians in southern India. He conveyed his opinion even to the Holy See in Rome. Some years later, even the Catholic Church allowed the neo-Christians in Madurai and neighbouring areas to apply sandalwood paste on their forehead and wearing a sacred thread across the neck as per old customs.

Fr. Robert De Nobili preached Christianity mainly among the Brahmins and other high caste people. In those days, any local persons embracing Christianity were immediately identified as firangi and excommunicated by society. The Brahmins enjoyed leadership status in religious, social and other matters and none dare go against them. So Robert De Nobili concluded that conversion of these high caste persons to Christianity would help percolate Christianity in all other castes.

Jesus Christ preached his gospel to the rich and the poor, the ostracised and the influential alike. And so his followers are also expected to preach the Good News to all, irrespective of their caste, religion, race or social ranks. However, some scholars have accused De Nobili of favouring the high caste Brahmins in his religious mission. Why was he inclined towards them more than the poor and untouchable classes?

In those days, the way to untouchables and low caste people was through high caste Brahmins only. De Nobili felt that the low caste and untouchable people too would embrace Christianity if the Brahmins took the lead in this regard as the high caste Brahmins were leaders in almost all fields. The low caste and the ostracised sections of the society would not dare unless and until the high caste people embraced this religion.

Acceptance of this firangi religion clearly meant inviting the wrath of the influential and getting excommunicated from the society. Robert De Nobili successfully launched an incultaration movement within the Church, assimilating Indian culture in Christian living and thus wiped out the stamp of firangi given to Christianity. Christianity became a part of the culture in south India and the local culture was reflected in Christian prayers and the life style of Christians there.
Fr Robert De Nobili is credited with introduction of the inculturation process among the Indian Christians in the seventeenth century. He was centuries ahead of the time in this regard as the Church officially encouraged this process only after the Vatican Council II, which took place in the twentieth century. Unfortunately, this principle of inculturation was ignored by the other Christian priests who succeeded De Nobili.

Fr. De Nobili felt that the spiritual leaders of the Indian Christian community should come from within their own community and the candidates for priesthood should be specially trained as per the Indian spiritual traditions. With this goal in mind, he tried in 1610 A. D. to establish a Sanskrit medium seminary to teach Christian Philosophy. The seminary was to conduct a five-year course in theology. Robert De Nobili had even prepared an appropriate Sanskrit terminology for the seminary. But due to some problems, the seminary was not established. Had De Nobili succeeded in this endeavour, the first Christian seminary in the world having Sanskrit medium would have come into existence.

St. Francis Xavier and other missionaries arrived in India before De Nobili. It must have been difficult for them to preach Christianity among the high caste, wealthy Brahmins who cherished pride in their religion. Nonetheless, De Nobili concentrated on preaching Christianity among the Brahmins. He changed his attire, became pure vegetarian to earn the respect of the local populace as he wanted to remove the stigma associated with being a firangi. Not only that, he also discontinued having meals with his own firangi religious colleague priests.  Once, when he went on a visit to meet his religious superiors in Madurai, he took his own Brahmin cook along so that he could avoid having non-vegetarian food or any other food cooked by the firangis.

In his attempt to open the doors of Christianity to the high caste Brahmins, De Nobili is often accused of meting out injustice to the untouchable community. It is indeed a fact that this missionary who preached Christianity that cared for the neglected, offered the untouchables the back seats in his church. However, considering the social conditions prevalent at that time, even allowing the untouchables to enter the church was a great reform initiated by De Nobili. One should remember that in Maharashtra and in many other parts of the country, the untouchables had to launch long struggles to gain entry into temples. This was as late as the twentieth century. Besides, many Catholic and Protestant churches in southern India with domination of high caste people did not permit entry to untouchable Christians until the last few decades. Under these circumstances, De Nobili should not be condemned for treating his high caste and untouchable Christian followers differently.

De Nobili also insisted that, in India, Sanskrit should be used in Christian liturgy and prayers. As Hindus conducted their religious ceremonies only in Sanskrit, the Christians all over the world for several centuries conducted their prayers and liturgy only in Latin. It was a taboo to use the language of the common people to converse with God! De Nobili tried very hard to introduce the use of Sanskrit in Christian prayers. I remember prayers and liturgy being conducted even in rural parts of Maharashtra only in Latin as late as three decades ago. It was in late 1960s that Catholic churches all over the world started conducting prayers, masses and other religious ceremonies in local languages consequent to the second Vatican Council.

It is said this Vatican Council II, convened by Pope John XVIII and later officiated by his successor Pope Paul VI, introduced liberalism in the Catholic Church. This council attended by bishops and Church theologians from all over the world introduced the mass liturgy and prayers in local languages all over the world. De Nobili should be credited with making the pioneering efforts for encouraging the use of a local language, Sanskrit, in Indian church as early as the 17th century. He was indeed a visionary missionary. Unfortunately, his successor missionaries did not pursue his mission of inculturation within the Indian Church. The face of the Indian Church would have been different had the priests who came after De Nobili continued with his religious liberalism and incultaration process.

Fr. De Nobili faced several difficulties while carrying out his missionary work. Some of his own religious colleagues accused him of restricting his apostolic mission to high class Brahmins and introducing racism and casteism in Christianity. Some of the Catholic priests also argued that allowing the local Christians to use a sacred thread around neck, sandalwood paste on forehead and a tuft of hair on head was against the principles of Christianity. Many a time, his religious superiors had to even conduct probes to find out whether De Nobili was conducting himself against the tenets of Christianity.

As a result of a long tirade launched by some orthodox priests against De Nobili, between 1612 A D and 1623 A D, the Holy See banned De Nobili from propagating Christianity among the Brahmins. Thereafter for many years, a debate  went on whether the converted Brahmin Christians should be allowed to continue their practice of keeping the sacred thread around their necks, sandalwood paste on their foreheads and tuft of hair. At the end of 1623 A. D., Pope Gregory XV issued a verdict that the acts and beliefs of Fr Robert De Nobili were not against the Christian faith. Thus almost after a decade, Fr Nobili’s views were endorsed by the Church and his priestly right to baptise people was restored once again.

De Nobili had come to India with the sole mission of preaching Christianity among the local populace. However his noble efforts to offer an Indian base to the practice of Christianity in this country were not immediately appreciated by his colleagues and superiors. Instead, he was misunderstood and doubts were also raised about his intentions. One cannot imagine the emotional turmoil De Nobili faced when he was banned from preaching Christianity and baptising people for over a decade. One of the three vows taken by him as a Jesuit was to be obedient to his religious superiors and he observed this vow totally.

It is remarkable that even after being banned from carrying out the apostolic work among the Brahmins, De Nobili continued his other activities as a missionary for 13 long years. But he sought justice from the Church hierarchy against the injustice meted out to him. Luckily for him, the Pope later issued another decree, which ruled that De Nobili’s missionary conduct, his views or the process of inculturation launched by him were not against the Christian faith. De Nobili was at last absolved of the crimes he had never committed.

Although the Church had now lifted the ban and allowed him to continue his apostolic work among the Brahmins, De Nobili thereafter shifted his focus to the lower strata of the society. He had adapted the lifestyle of the Brahmins to win over them. But it would be unfair to say that De Nobili had also believed in or practiced casteism and chaturvarna system.  

In 1640, Fr. Robert De Nobili got unexpected support from a 27-year-old priest, Balthazar De Costa, who had come from Portugal. This disciple of De Nobili wore saffron robes and earrings like his guru and preached Christianity among the local masses. De Nobili was content that his style of missionary work now had the sanction of the Holy See. He no longer needed to fight back the opposition of his own colleagues or superiors.  He must have experienced great satisfaction to see that the new missionary paths carved out by him were now well acceptable. 

The credit for composing prose in Tamil language for the first time goes to Fr. Robert De Nobili.  De Nobili wrote a lot in three Indian languages, Tamil, Telugu and Sanskrit as well as three European languages, Italian, Portuguese and Latin. In 1656, one priest mentioned in his letter that the Indian scholars used to get astonished by De Nobili’s mastery over so many languages.  Some of his literary works are still available for scholars to study and appreciate De Nobili's intellect. These books are considered as important treasures of Tamil language.

After he turned 68, his Jesuit superiors sent Fr De Nobili to Jaffna in Shri Lanka so that he could rest. He had become frail due to old age. His eyesight had become very weak. But De Nobili did not wish to leave Madurai. He wanted to continue living at the place where he had worked since his youth. But he obeyed his Jesuit superiors and shifted his residence to Jaffna. Two years later, he was allowed to return to India, his  'home' land.  He spent the last eight years of his life in the city of Mylapore, an important pilgrim centre for Christians.

Mylapore is believed to be the place where St. Thomas was martyred. St Thomas who arrived at the south Indian coast in 52 A. D. had baptised many local people. It is indeed a coincidence that 16 centuries after Saint Thomas, Fr Robert De Nobili who propagated Christianity on a large scale in south India, found a final resting place in Mylapore.

Until he breathed his last, Fr De Nobili used to wear saffron cassock. Towards the end of his life, he had also started fasting. Though his eyesight had become weak, he continued improvising his books with the help of his disciples. This great missionary breathed his last on January 16, 1656, at the age of seventy-nine.

References: -

1. ‘A Pearl to India-The Life of Roberto de Nobili’-Vincent Cronin, Published by-Rupert Hart- Davis, Soho Square, London, 1959.

2. ‘The Christian Community and the National Mainstream’-Louis D’Silva, Printed by Dr. M.E. Cherian, Spicer College Press, Ganesh Khind, Pune-411 007.

3. ‘The Unquenchable Quest for scholarship- Interview of De Nobili Scholar Fr. Rajamanickam’ (S.J.) Published in a periodical ‘Jivan’ ‘Jesuits of India: Views and News’ (April 2000), Published by the Jesuits conference of South Asia 225, Jor Bagh, New Delhi, 110 003

4. ‘Dnyanayogi : Robert De Nobilinche Jeevan Charitra’ (Marathi) By- Fr. Bertie Rozario (S.J.) Publisher- Fr. Namdeo Salve ( S. J.) Marg Prakashan, De Nobili College, Pune, 411 014 (1969)


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