Did you like the article?

Sunday, February 28, 2010

Book salutes missionary contributions




28 Sep 2003, Times of India, Pune

PUNE: A compilation of biographies (in Marathi) of early Christian missionaries in India, emphasising their social saga and triumph was released in the city on Saturday. Authored by The Times of India journalist Camil Parkhe, the book 'Christi Missionaryanche Yogdaan' (Christian missionaries' contribution) was released in the presence of the Bishop of Pune Valerian D'Souza by Sada Dumbre, editor, Saptahik Sakal. The function was held at the Patrakar Bhavan. On the cover page is an ode to the Marathi language, written amazingly in flowing Marathi, nearly 400 years ago around Chhatrapati Shivaji's birth) by British-born, Goa-based Fr Thomas Stephens. And on the back cover is a verse by Rev. Narayan Waman Tilak. These quotes set the tone for the series of 24 inspirational biographies. From well-known names like Pandita Ramabai, Mother Teresa and Fr Graham Staines, to less ‘famous' missionaries who walked the remote countryside, embraced local language and culture and set benchmarks in various fields.

Friday, February 19, 2010

Christianity in Aurangabad diocese from 1892 onwards

"Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon
Catholic Mission in Aurangabad diocese (Maharashtra) - 1892 onwards"

By Camil Parkhe
Published by: SFS Publications,

PB No 5639

Rajajinagar, 1st Block,

Bangalore, 560 010



ISBN 81-85376-78-6

First edition 2009

Copyright : SFS Publications



29) Formation of Aurangabad diocese

(Christianity in Aurangabad diocese from 1892 onwards)

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in the four-year-old Ghogargaon mission centre in November 1896 and breathed his last in the same village five decades later. From October 1915 to January 1922, he had been on deputation to Rahata in neighbouring Ahmednagar district. During his 50 years vocation as a missionary, Jacquirbaba took rest and visited his motherland only once - from 1926 to 1928 - when he was forced to slow down his work on health grounds.

Jacquierbaba worked tirelessly for 40 long years in Ghogargaon and Borsar mission centres. It was during this period that Christianity took deep roots in Aurangabad district. It is significant to note that the MSFS priests had been working in Amravati, Chikhaldhara, Akola, Kapustalani and other parts of the Vidarbha region during this period. However, due to various social, religious, political and economic factors, the work of these Catholic missionaries in most of the areas was almost wiped out by the time India gained Independence.

Fr Azarias D’Mello had taken charge of Ghogargaon in 1944. In January 1951, Fr John D’Souza was sent to be his assistant. In May 1951, Bro Ambrose came to help him. In May 1952, Fr Azarias D’Mello was transferred to Achalpur. Fr Olivet Vas took charge of Ghogargaon with Fr Edwin Alvares as assistant.

In 1948, the political situation in Nizam’s Hyderabad princely state became tense. India had gained independence from the British rulers on August 15,1947. But the Nizam government in Hyderabad in Central India refused to join the Indian Union. Efforts for a peaceful settlement failed. Economic sanctions were imposed by the Indian government. According to the notes written by Fr Monteiro, the blockade paralysed the mission activities. As a result, catechists and masters were discharged and the children’s boardings were closed. At night fall, no one went outdoors. The missionaries also could not go out.

On September 14, 1948 began the Police Action against the Nizam state. Action was taken against the Razakars, the special army of the Nizam. By September 18, the Hyderabad princely state was taken over by the Indian Government and peace was restored. The Police Action was planned by the then Union Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

In the meantime, many of the discharged catechists had secured jobs in sugar factories and were not prepared to return to their work and their small pays. The Scheduled Castes Federation was very active and won many adherents form the converts, wrote Fr Joseph Monteiro.

MSFS historian Fr Moget has dealt in details on the missionary activities and the number of baptisms given to local people in the Vidarbha region. However a glance at the statistics of the Catholic population in the present Nagpur, Amravati and Aurangabad dioceses reveals that some of the people converted to Christianity in the early 20th century have embraced Buddhism along with other followers of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in the 1950s and 1960s.

The factors responsible for the spread of Christianity in Aurangabad district. its stunted growth or subsequent disappearance in some parts of the Marathwada and also in the neighbouring Vidarbha region can be well illustrated with the parable on the seed of the Word of God narrated by Jesus Christ. The parable goes like this:

“A sower went out to sow his seed. And as he sowed, some fell by the wayside; and it was trampled down, and the birds of the air devoured it. Some fell on rock: and as soon as it sprang up, it withered away because it lacked moisture. And some fell among thorns, and the thorns sprang up and chocked it. But others fell on good ground, sprang up, and yielded a crop a hundredfold.” 1

Even today, the number of Catholics in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district – the area where Fr Jacquier sowed the seeds of the Word of God – is far more conspicuous as compared to the rest parts of the Marathwada and for that matter, even the whole Vidarbha region. It would be incorrect to solely credit Jacquierbaba for this. But the fact remains this was the missionary who toiled for 40 years for the most downtrodden, the untouchable folks of these two talukas and preached the gospel to them. He was also the first social reformer in this rural area to spread literacy among local population of mixed castes and religions. He had opened so many schools in villages under his Ghogargaon mission centre. He also tried to various social evil practices like untouchability, child marriages and bigamy.

It is difficult to believe that a great soul existed in this small village which remains obscure to this date. He tried his best to transform the lives of the whole population in this region. The large number of tales associated with this Mahatma, as told by people even today with much reverence to this missionary, are testimony of the great works carried out by Jacquierbaba in this region.

Jacquirbaba traveled on horseback, in bullock cart or horse cart to various villages which now come under the jurisdiction of the present Ghogargaon, Borsar, Kannad, Vaijapur, Gangapur, Wahegaon parishes.

Fr Stephen Almeida is the present parish priest at the Christ the King in Ghogargaon, a post held for four decades by Jacquierbaba. Ironically Ghogargaon village to this date remains inaccessible to the world in the absence of asphalted, motorable road. The church parish runs a primary, middle and higher secondary school in the village, attended by hundreds of Christian and non-Christian children from neighbouring villages. The Holy Cross sisters who run a dispensary in the village offer medical facilities to the rural populace here.

When Fr Jacquier arrived from France to work in India, the then Nagpur province was entrusted to his MSFS religious congregation. The Catholic Church has in the latter years bifurcated this giant province into the present Nagpur, Amravati, Chanda and Aurangabad (all in Maharashtra) Jabalpur, Khandwa, Raipur (Chhattisgarh) and Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh). Each of this diocese are headed by an archbishop or bishop.

During the past 100 years, the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales (MSFS) of which Jacquirbaba was a member preached Christianity in the then Central Province, Berar, and Marathwada. The MSFS congregation priests purchased land, built on them schools, churches, dispensaries and hostels for the girls and boys. Later the Catholic Church established new dioceses in these areas and the secular or the diocesan priests under the new bishops started working in this villages. In keeping with the Catholic Church tradition, subsequently the MSFS congregation took a back seat and handed over the huge real estates, schools, churches, hostels and other establishments to the bishops, the heads of the newly created dioceses in the respective areas.

Similar transfer also took place in the neighbouring Ahmednagar district after the Nashik diocese was carved out of the Pune diocese in 1987. There, the Jesuits – members of the religious congregation Society of Jesus - handed over the land and institutions to the new diocese and shifted their attention to work in the area where no one had trodden.

This novel tradition of handing over ownership of real estate and reputed institutions to others exists only in the Catholic Church and there cannot be any other parallel to this custom.

The diocese of Aurangabad was erected by the Decree 'Qui Arcano' (No. 1139/78) dated December 1997. It comprises of eight revenue districts. Of these, Aurangabad, Jalna, Parbhani and Nanded were taken from the diocese of Amravati while Latur, Beed and Osmanabad were detached from the archdiocese of Hyderabad. This entire region under the Aurangabad diocese constitutes a political unit named Marathwada in Maharashtra. Fr Dominic Abreo, a diocesan priest from Vasai in Thane district who had presided over the seventh Marathi Christian Sahitya Sammelan (literary meet) held in 1973 was appointed the first bishop of Aurangabad diocese. 2 Bishop Edwin Colaco who was appointed as bishop of Amravati in 1995 has been bishop of Aurangabad diocese since 2007.

As per the statistics provided by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), there are 16,000 Catholics in Aurangabad diocese. As far as the Christian (Catholic and Protestants) population and the number of Church establishments are concerned, Aurangabad diocese is one of the most important dioceses in Maharashtra, next only to Mumbai, Pune and Nashik dioceses.

Aurangabad Catholic diocese has 22 parishes. There are 15 high schools, one higher secondary schools, 15 upper primary schools, 12 hospitals, nine hostels and five orphanages. 3







References:



1) Gospel according to St Mathew, 4:1-9,



2) The other former bishops of Aurangabad diocese are Bishop Ignatius D'Cunha (1989-98) and Bishop Sylvester Monteiro (1999-2005)





3) Directory of Aurangabad Catholic Diocese, published by Bishop’s House, Aurangabad (2003)

* * * * *

Prevention of terror, Pune Bomb blast

Prevention of terror


CAMIL PARKHE

Sakaal Times Thursday, February 18, 2010 AT 03:11 PM (IST)

Tags: Pune blast, blast, terror attack, point of view



http://www.sakaaltimes.com/SakaalTimesBeta/20100218/5048311537236628314.htm

Some weeks back, there was tension at Shivajinagar state transport bus depot after a bomb-like object was suspected to be there. A colleague from the newspaper office rushed there to cover the news as the rest of us anxiously tracked him on mobile to know what was happening. Has terror arrived in Pune? That was the question bothering us. A few hours later, we were relieved to know that it was a bomb hoax call. “We have been lucky again, thank god!” was our spontaneous reaction. But how long will it be before terror strikes this city, was the question I, and perhaps others, did not wish to utter aloud.

On Saturday, February 13, Puneites' worst fears came true. The bomb blast that killed 11 persons, most of them youngsters, left the city people too shocked to realise that Pune had joined the league of the country's terror-hit cities like Delhi, Mumbai and Hyderabad. Probably, it was wishful thinking that Pune offered a safe haven for terrorists to plan their nefarious activities and that they would not like to make things hotter for them by executing terror plans in the same city. On February 13, Pune lost its distinction as a peaceful paradise.

Post-February 13, it is futile to wonder whether the security agencies had failed in preventing such an attack despite getting several 'alerts.' Now citizens and the government administration will have to think of measures that will help in preventing such attacks in future. It would be fatalistic to feel that terror is now a worldwide phenomenon and we have to face it as and when it strikes. There are many nations which have been on the radar of terrorists of various kinds and they have often succeeded in thwarting terror machinations.

Only a few months back, Pune had got the dubious distinction of having the highest number of swine flu cases in the country. Many people from other cities had then deferred their visits to Pune. Even today, swine flu has not disappeared. Last week, the disease claimed as many as five lives in a single day. But that did not make a front page news. Swine flu has a curable treatment and we are also looking forward to the development of a vaccine to prevent it. That cannot be said about terror. After February 13, we will have to constantly remain on guard against terror attacks. We cannot afford to be lax a week or a fortnight after the bomb blast and go about with our routine as before. There are several ways to thwart terror threats and every citizen can contribute in this regard by just being alert and cautious about things around us.

Thursday, February 18, 2010

Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchability

"Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon
Catholic Mission in Aurangabad diocese (Maharashtra) - 1892 onwards"
By Camil parkhe

Published by: SFS Publications,
PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore, 560 010

ISBN 81-85376-78-6
First edition 2009
Copyright : SFS Publications

23) Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchability


Even after their conversion to Christianity, there was absolutely no change in the lifestyles of the members of untouchable community in any parts of India. They carried on with their traditional occupations (the vatandari) and customs, i.e, disposal of cattle carcasses, eating flesh of the dead animals, following orders of the members of the upper castes and making the two ends meet on whatever meager was paid to them in the form of grains. 1
The untouchables were so accustomed to the inhuman treatment meted out to them that they never even considered anything wrong or unjust with it. Even if anyone were to raise a murmur of protest against this treatment, the person would have found it difficult to live in the village community. First of all, he or she would have been ostracised by the members of the upper castes and would be denied any source of livelihood.
With the arrival of missionaries in the rural areas, the Mahar, Mang men and women who otherwise were compelled to move around with heads lowered and faces covered, slowly gained a self-esteem.
There was however some sort of relief for the Dalits when they embraced Christianity. Most of the Catholic and Protestant missionaries in Ahmednagar, Jalna and Aurangabad were from Germany, Switzerland, America, France etc. There were very few British priests in India. These missionaries tries to change the lifestyle of the untouchable communities by offering them education, jobs in the church complex.
Though the European missionaries were familiar with terms like slaves and slavery, they found it difficult to understand the concepts of casteism and untouchability, a legacy found only in India. According to this custom, a person was born as untouchable and died as untouchable. There was no way to make the person climb the social order and be a part of the higher caste community.
The Mahars, Mangs and other members of the other untouchable communities members were pleasantly shocked when the European missionaries mingled with them freely and also ate along them. Earlier no person superior to them in any respect would ever dare to physically touch them. These missionaries also worked for the upliftment of these forsaken communities by admitting their children into the Church-run schools. Children of untouchables in Ahmednagar, Sangamner, Rahata, Ghogargaon, Aurangabad and other adjoining areas had special schools run by these missionaries.
I have often heard my parents and relatives speaking about an incident associated with my maternal uncle, Waman Shingare, who had served as a horse cart driver to Fr Jacquier. This incident is a classic example of the psychological support extended by the Christian missionaries to the Dalits against their higher caste oppressors. During the 19th and 20th centuries many foreign missionaries must have boosted the morale of the newly baptized Christians in this manner.
Before the Independence, jurisdiction of Ghogargaon mission centre included several villages in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district. Fr Jacquier frequently visited these villages with my uncle Waman Shingare in the cart driver’s seat.
During those days, there were several restrictions on the members of the untouchable communities. For example, they were not allowed to flaunt new clothes or wear footwear in the presence of the higher caste people. They were required to take off footwear while approaching an upper caste individual. The bride belonging to an untouchable caste was not allowed to move ceremoniously in a procession in the village while sitting on a horse back.
This was the situation prevailing in Maharashtra and most parts of India when Fr Jacquier preached Christianity in Aurangabad district. Therefore, the sight of a young Mahar speedily driving a horse cart through the village entrance gates was considered by the higher caste persons as most outrageous. They viewed it as a serious violation of the age-old chaturvarna (social hierarchy based on four categories) custom.
However Waman was a cart driver of a missionary who was an European, a white man. No one could dare to stop the cart in which Fr Jacquier was travelling. Scolding Waman for violating the rules of untouchability would have invited the wrath and displeasure of the white sahib. People knew how Jacquierbaba alone used to bring an abrupt end to stage shows of tamasha troupes at various places. It was necessary to prevent the untouchable Waman from riding his cart through this village entrance gate in this ‘objectionable’ style. His act would have encouraged many other lower caste youths and others to challenge the custom of untouchability and the prevailing social hierarchy.
Once Waman was driving the horse cart through a village gate when the local village Patil could no longer contain his rage. He signaled Waman to halt the cart as soon as the vehicle approached nearer.
"Hey you Mahar, how can you be so arrogant? How dare you seat in the cart while crossing the village gate? Step down immediately from the cart and walk. And don’t you dare to repeat driving the cart in this village again," the village chief shouted.
Threatened in this manner, Waman immediately slowed down the cart, stepped down and started on foot still holding the reigns in his hands. He occupied the cart driver’s seat again only after moving out of the village border when he was totally out of the sight of the patil.
It was later that Waman informed Jacquierbaba about the conversation transpired between him and the village patil. He told Jacquierbaba that the members of the untouchable communities had no right to ride a horse cart while crossing a village entrance gate or when an upper caste individual was nearby. An untouchable individual was expected to run either before or after the cart when his master was sitting in the horse cart.
Jacquierbaba was furious but he decided to wait for another occasion to react to this barbaric custom. Some days later, Jacquierbaba’s horse cart was returning to Ghogargaon via the same village. Coincidentally, the village patil along with a few other persons was sitting in the Chawadi, the village community place, when the horse cart approached nearer. As instructed by Jacquierbaba, Waman slowed down the pace of the cart. His fears came true as the enraged village chief rushed to the cart. Abusing Waman, he snatched away the horse bridle.
Jacquierbaba had never imagined whatever had transpired before his eyes. He was furious that his cart driver was being humiliated on the grounds of his untouchable caste. Within a few seconds, Jacquierbaba stepped down from the cart. It is said that he trashed the village chief in the presence of the local villagers gathered at the site. The missionary did not stop there. He later approached Aurangabad district collectorate to complaint against the village patil's behaviour. The village chief subsequently had to face music for halting the horse cart of the European missionary. Eventually, Patil apologised over his high handedness and true to his nature, Jacquirbaba pardoned him immediately and also withdrew the complaint against him.

This episode relating to the custom of untouchability had caused a sensation in rural parts of Aurangabad district. The incident must have served as a warning to many upper castes persons who used to exploit the Christians and others belonging to the untouchable communities.


* * * * * *

Tuesday, February 9, 2010

Jai Bhim Jai Khrist Unity of Dalit Christians and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar followers

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’

By Camil parkhe
Publisher: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi

ISBN 9788172149796




18. Solidarity of Jai Bhim and Jai Khrist
Unity of Dalit Christians and Dr Ambedkar followers


Renowned Marathi Christian poet Shahu Dagdoba Ujagare, had in 1929 dedicated his poetry entitled Nave Anjan to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar who fought against untouchability.1 It was the first conscious move on the part of a dalit Christian to establish and maintain close ties between the dalit Christians and the Ambedkarite movement.

Delivering the presidential address at the fifth Marathi Khristi Sahitya Sammelan held at De Nobili College in Pune in 1972, Satyavan Namdeo Suryawanshi, editor of Marathi weekly Aapan had strongly advocated that the dalits Christians should unite with other dalits and minority communities in the State. His ideology is important even today.

Suryawanshi gave the call for uniting all dalit forces at a time when the dalit movement in the State had just started making its presence felt. The established Marathi litterateurs and majority of the society had not recognised this separate rebellious ideology till then. Suryawanshi’s call came at a time when even the dalit community itself had not realised the potential of the movement. Significantly, Suryawanshi at that time was editor of a weekly, which was run by the Jesuits.

Suryawanshi enjoys a special place in Marathi literature and also in the dalit movement in Maharashtra. In the 1970s, a series of autobiographies by dalit writers created a major upheaval in Marathi literary circles as well as in the society. The autobiography of Suryawanshi – ‘Aga Je Kalpile Nahi’ (‘I had never even imagined this’) published in 1975, was the front-runner of these autobiographies. Suryawanshi had stated in this book that in his childhood, despite being a Christian, he was always treated by the high caste Hindus as a Mahar, an untouchable caste.

Unfortunately, Suryawanshi’s autobiography remained neglected for quite some time due to lack of effective marketing system. Veteran dalit writer and poet Daya Pawar’s autobiography ‘Baluta’ and P. E. Sonkamble’s autobiography ‘Athavaniche Pakshi’ were published subsequently in 1978 2 and became landmarks in Marathi literature.

In his presidential address at the Khristi sahitya sammelan, Suryawanshi had said, “In today’s democracy, a handful of Christians have absolutely no value. Even in a democratic set up, the government’s facilities and rights cannot be distributed evenly to all because every community thinks for itself and lives by protecting its own interests. Everyone is trying hard to gain a major share of cream for one’s own community, and gets maximum benefits with the help of majority votes in democracy. Due to this ‘Might is right ‘ situation, the sweet fruits of democracy are being enjoyed by majority communities and at the same time our poor community is merely watching it in bewilderment. All the minority communities also face a similar situation. However hard we may try and get our community organised and united, we would never be the rulers!. We would never be able to acquire the power to rule. If a dalit Christian writer is shrewd, intellectual and practical, he will realise mere uniting the Christian community would not yield any major benefits for the society. In a democratic set up, some social benefits can be secured only if the people are able to cause some kinds of nuisance to the government or the rulers, if they can cause terror or pose challenges on the basis of their solidarity. A handful and peace-loving Christians can never pose such challenges. Therefore, why should we waste our strength and intellect in running after mirage of securing and protecting welfare and interests of the Christian community?

Instead, let us mingle and be a part of the crowd of those who are helpless, dalit, distressed, ignored, weak and exploited. Let us share their misfortune, their pain, let us wipe out their tears, and while protecting their welfare, and while pleading for them, let us protect our welfare as well. Our interests and welfare are no different from them, nay, without them, we do not have any existence!

Sometimes, referring to my Aapan weekly, some of my friends ask me, ‘’You take up issues of Muslims, Buddhists, Harijans and tribals in your weekly very enthusiastically. But in comparison, you are less enthusiastic while fighting for the Christians’ issues, why is it so? Who will protect our interest? Who will fight for us Christians? Who will plead for us?’’ I reply to my friends, “Our interests are not different from the interests of the sad, exploited and the dalits. One who pleads for these people also pleads for the Christians. Because, I perceive Lord Jesus in every sad person. If some one is making a false and unjust propaganda against the Muslims, he is doing the same against the Christ and defaming Him. If Buddhist women are stripped, I feel my sisters Martha and Maria have been molested.3

Christians as well as some others from my native town Shrirampur were astonished when they saw a photograph of Dr. Ambedkar prominently placed at the local Catholic parish priest’s office. Most of the people are under the impression that they should keep themselves away from the Ambedkarite movement if they are Christians. Marathi writer Avinash Dolas has described this mentality of dalit Christians in following words: “Members of this community find themselves in a fix. On one hand , they looked at Christ for the heavenly abode and on the other hand, there was Dr Ambedkar who could solve their worldly problems and help them to lead life on this earth. The dalit Christian community was caught in a dilemma. Will they, as Christians, be able to march on the streets, shouting slogans of Jai Bhim? Can they, even after remaining true Christians, become Ambedkarites and return the salute of Jai Bhim of the Amberkarite brigade? 4

It was Rev. Arvind Nirmal who succeeded in solving the predicament faced by the dalit Christians in Maharashtra. Rev Nirmal, an authority on Christian theology, declared that the dalit Christians can retain their umbilical cord with the Ambedkarite movement while still practicing Christianity. Rev Nirmal who is credited with bringing in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra motivated many dalit Christian writers and social activists to be a part of the Ambedkarite movement.

Rev Nirmal was a student of Milind College, one of the institutions founded by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. He had the fortune to see Dr. Ambedkar from a very close quarter. While in Chennai, he started Christian Dalit Liberation Movement (CDML) . He has edited a book, entitled ‘Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a centenary tribute’.

One of the major contribution of Rev Nirmal is starting the tradition of holding separate dalit Christians’ sahitya sammelans, Until his death in 1995, he took the initiative to hold the annual sammelans for consecutive four years. Until Rev Nirmal established this rebellious path in literary circle, the dalit Christians considered themselves as a part of the `main stream’ literary circles although their existence was not even acknowledged there. Rev Nirmal himself presided over the first and third dalit Christian sahitya sammelans held at Ahmednagar in 1991 and at Lonavala in1994. The presidents of other sahitya sammelans were S N Suryawanshi (Jalna, 1993), Devdatta Husale (Ahmednagar 1995), Bishop Pradeep Kamble (Pune 2001) and Rev Subhash Chandorikar (Sangamner 2004).

On behalf of ‘ Sugava’ magazine of Vilas Wagh and Usha Wagh, and also on behalf of ‘Christian Dalit Liberation Movement’ (CDML), a seminar was organised in Aurangabad some fifteen years ago. Along with Shantaram Pandere, Sharad Patil and Avinash Dolas literary personalities and leaders from Christian community like, Rev. Nirmal, Anil Dahivadkar, Sunil Adhav also had participated. 5 The organiser Rev. Nirmal had tried to take Marathi Christian community to Dr. Ambedkar’s movement through this seminar.

After the death of Rev Nirmal, Dr Gilbert G Londhe, Rev Chandorikar and Vasant Mhaske have kept up dalit Christians’ movement in Maharashtra alive.

Well-known Marathi author Devdatta Husale has succeeded well in maintaining the ties between dalit Christians and the Ambedkarite movement. Well known for rural literature, Husale has commented on the situation of the dalit Christians often in a terse manner.

Delivering the presidential address of the 19th Marathi sahitya sammelan, at Ahmednagar in 2001, Husale said, “Instead of praying ten times and living in constant fear, the dalit Christians should just erect a memorial ( of Dr Ambedkar) and then not a single organisation will ever have the courage to challenge the Christian locality. In any case, do we not attend birth and death anniversaries of people who have never come to the rescue of Christians? We will definitely have the solid backing of our own Buddhist brothers if we give them call at any time. If we participate in Dr Ambedkar’s birth anniversary celebrations and if the Buddhists attend the Christmas celebrations, the unity of the two communities will have the desired effect.“

The large number of dalit Christians from Marathwada region, from Pune, Nashik, Jalna, Latur and Ahmednagar districts and the migrants to Bombay should serve as a natural vote bank to various factions of the Republican Party of India (RPI) and its alliances. The dalits in Maharashtra originating from the same castes, roots and after living together for ages in villages have now got divided into three religions, Hindu dalits, neo Buddhists and the dalit Christians. Fortunately, they have never got separated geographically and psychologically. It is a fact that the neo-Buddhists have progressed more than the dalit Christians due to the availability of reservations and other concessions.

The social and political leaders of both these communities have not realised that the interests of the people would be served better if these communities remained united politically. These leaders are yet to realise that their social, economical, educational and political problems may have a common answer in spite of their different religious streams, as the root of these communities is one and the same.

During my first meeting with Vilas Wagh of Sugava Publication, he asked me whether I was in any way connected to the movement of the dalit community. Wagh, who is a prominent leader of the dalit movement in Maharashtra, said. “Dalit Christians must maintain strong ties with the Ambedkarite movement,’’ adding “though the two communities follow different religions, their original root and community is the same, their problems also are similar. Therefore, the two communities must stay together in their struggle.” .

Dalit Christians belonging to the older generations greet each other, saying ‘Jai Khrist.’ People from the Ambedkarite movement have the tradition of greeting each other with the ‘Jai Bhim’ slogan. When a dalit Christian participates in Ambedkarite movement, it cannot be considered as being disloyal to his religion. Therefore, he may well greet a fellow dalit from the Ambedkarite movement with salutation, ‘Jai Bhim’.



References:



1.Sunil Adhav –‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha’ (page 409)

2.Dr. Vasudeo Mulate ’Dalitanchi Atmakathane : Sankalpana Va Swaroop’, Swaroop Prakashan, ‘Akshar’, 858, Sahyadri nagar,n-5(south) CIDCO, Aurangabad,431003, 2nd edition April2003(pages 25, 26)

3.Sunil Adhav – Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha (page187)

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandarbh, Sugava Prakashan, Pune, first edition 1995 (page 47)

5.Avinash Dolas, As above (page 45)

6.Sunil Adhav – Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha’ (page 410)

7.As above (page 344)

Monday, February 8, 2010

The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’

By Camil parkhe

Publisher: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi


4. The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism


Even though untouchability and casteism had been practiced for several centuries among the Christian communities in south India, the Church hierarchy avoided either dissuading the people from following these practices or taking action against those perpetuating these social evils. The British rulers in India had taken a lesson from the war of independence of 1857 and to continue their rule decided not to interfere in the religious matters of India. Even before the arrival of the British in India, Robert De Nobili and other European missionaries had adopted a similar view in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Madurai and Tiruchirapally.

The European missionaries did not believe in the practice of untouchability. However they realised that the converts faced the risk of ex-communication from their own community if they gave up practices of casteism and untouchability after embracing Christianity. So the missionaries decided to go slow in the matter. As a result, inhuman practices like untouchability could take roots in the south Indian Christian communities and continued to flourish for many years even after Independence.

Missionaries connive at casteism, untouchability

In Madurai and other areas of southern India, during Robert De Nobili’s time, many Brahmins embraced Christianity. However, the high caste Hindus coming into Christianity meant closing the doors of Christianity to the low caste and untouchable communities. The missionaries faced a difficult dilemma- whether to choose high castes or low castes for their missionary work. If they selected one caste, it was certain that the other would turn its back on them. The missionaries did not want to lose either of the two. Therefore depending on the possibilities at different places at different times, they baptised people from both the communities and bought them to Christ.

The missionaries permitted the converts to continue observing social customs like untouchability, casteism, strictly vegetarian diet in case of the Brahmins and non-vegetarianism of the lower castes, etc. The missionaries presumed that having learnt the tenets of Christianity, over a period of time the converts would give up untouchability and casteism. This proved wrong.

The native high caste missionaries may have found nothing amiss in all this. As a result, the walls of casteism continued to separate the Indian Christians from each other for nearly four centuries after they gave up Hinduism. Till the twentieth century, the erstwhile high caste Christians continued to be vegetarians and no inter-caste marriages took place within the Christian community.

Cyril Bruce Firth says- “On the whole, the Roman Catholic Church did not directly address the problem of casteism. It was assumed that casteism is an inevitable social aspect of life in India, therefore it was permitted to have social strata as per caste in the Christian community. Still, due to education, casteism was curtailed. It condemned the extreme casteism in the form of untouchability and hoped that unity will slowly grow in the society.”1

‘Dalit is dignified’

The dalit converts to Christianity were initially referred to by the Catholic Church. as ‘Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin (CSCO). This term was frequently used since the First National Convention of Christian leaders held in Bangalore in 1978. After the 1970s and in the 1980s, the term ‘dalit Christians’ was accepted in the Christian circles of south India. Like the famous phrase- ‘black is beautiful’, the phrase, ’dalit is dignified’ found acceptance with the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement which began to take strong roots in south India after the mid 1980s.



The term ‘dalit Christian’ had led to greater awareness among the dalit Protestant Christians as early as 1970s. The national conference of All India Catholic Union (AICU) held in 1989 passed a resolution formalising the use of ‘dalit Christians’ in reference to the Scheduled Caste Christians. This very conference also dedicated the 1990s as the ‘decade of the dalit Christians’.2

The issue of discrimination towards the dalits in churches and across the Christian community was discussed for the first time at the meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) held at Bangalore in 1969.3 Thereafter, the CBCI has made substantial efforts to remove casteism within the Christian community and to secure reservations and other concessions for the dalit Christians.

The general body meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India held in Goa in 1986 appointed a commission under the chairmanship of Bishop Cheriankunnel to take up the cause of Scheduled Castes, Tribes and Backward Classes. 3



References:

1.Firth, Cyril Bruce ‘Hindi Khristi Mandalicha Itihas’, translator- Ratnakar Hari Kelkar, (Page 301).

2.L. Stanislaus, ‘The Liberative Mission of the Church among Dalit Christians’, (Page 44).

3.As above, page 117

4.as above, page 117

Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’   By Camil Parkhe
Published by Indian Society for Promotion of  Christian Knowledge, New Delhi
3. Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

In Maharashtra, untouchability and casteism are not observed on a large scale among the Christians. The main reason being that the majority of the converted are from erstwhile untouchable castes. Thus there is no untouchability as seen in southern India. However this has no relation to rapid urbanisation and modernisation in the State. In Maharashtra, majority of the converted Christians came from the untouchable Mahar caste. In some parts of Marathwada region, people belonging to the Mang community, another erstwhile untouchable caste, were also converted.

Although high caste persons like Neelkanthashastri `Nehemya’ Gore, Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, Rev, Narayan Waman Tilak, Laxmibai Tilak and others became Protestant Christians, it is rather strange that not a single high caste person was attracted to the Catholic sect, which is in majority among the Christians the world over. Of course, there are some historical reasons for the same. In nineteenth century Maharashtra as Western culture stepped in and Christian philosophy began influencing great reformists like Mahatma Phule, and Prarthana Samajist R G Bhandarkar, the work of Catholic priests had not even started in the State except in Mumbai and Vasai.

`In his book ‘ Khristi Dharma’, G. V. Ketkar, noted scholar and the former editor of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Marathi daily Kesari, has stated,” Indian Christians are part of our race, language and blood. India is as much their nation as is ours. Excommunicating them after conversion to Christianity is a dangerous custom for Hindus. Indian Christians and the nation as well must give a fervent thought to the problems and sorrows of the Indian Christians.”1

Of course, this remark had a reference to persons like, Rev. Tilak, his wife and veteran writer Laxmibai Tilak, Narayan Sheshadri, Rev. Neelkanthshastri ‘Nehemiah’ Gore, and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati who were converted to Christianity from high castes. As the majority of the Marathi Christians were converted from untouchable castes, there was no question of excommunicating them further. These people who were already among the lowest strata, could not have been pushed further down the rigid Hindu caste hierarchy.

Compared to the Catholics, the Protestants had taken a lead in missionary work in the areas surrounding Pune, Ahmednagar and Kolhapur in western Maharashtra. Among the Protestants the erstwhile high caste persons were very few and some of them excelled in various fields. The others in this sect were erstwhile dalits and were in majority. The Catholic missionaries who came much later had to restrict their work to dalit communities.2

Christian Missionaries challenge casteism, untouchability

Towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Jesuit priests (members of the religious organisation Society of Jesus (S J ) started missionary work in the Ahmednagar district. Initially, Fr Otto Weishaupt, a German priest, started separate schools for the touchable and untouchable castes in the Kendal area near Rahuri. However, later settling at nearby Sangamner and considering the hostile view of high caste people towards Christianity, he decided to challenge the inhuman practices of casteism and untouchability and opened a common school there for all religions and castes. Fr Dr. Christopher Shelke who had authored the history of Christian missionaries in Ahmednagar district has noted this.3 Later other missionaries too discarded the practices of casteism and untouchability and did not accept these ideas in their missionary work among the locals. Considering the situation then, this was certainly a bold decision. This helped counseling among high and low caste people in the district.

In Ahmednagar district, initially low caste people from Mahar, Mang, Bhil and Dhanagar communities got converted to Christianity. When Catholic and Protestant sects started missionary work in this district, the casteism in Hindu religion showed its influence. Even among the so-called untouchables and low castes, each community considered itself superior to the other and therefore, refused to have any interaction with the other `low’ caste people. Thus, the dalit Christians belonging to the Mahar caste refused to have matrimonial or any kinds of social alliances with the dalit Christians belonging to the Mang caste. The situation has not improved even in this twenty first century. In his book ‘Ambedkari Chalwal : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Avinash Dolas has rightly commented : “These people who wanted to demolish casteism introduced casteism into Christianity.4

The foreign missionaries belonging to both Catholic and Protestant missions wanted to teach equality to a society, where casteism was deep-rooted. They concentrated on a particular caste and community though it was not their intention to preach the gospel to a particular community. They were compelled to do so due to the prevailing caste system in Hindu society. During the time of Robert De Nobili in the seventeenth century, the missionary work was done among the Brahmin community. As a result, the possibility of untouchable communities being kept away from Christianity arose. Similarly, in Maharashtra, if untouchables were to be welcomed into Christianity, it was certain that the high caste Marathas would stay away. In such a situation, the foreign missionaries selected to work among those sections of society where they would be most effective.

Mahars and Mangs were the two untouchable castes from which people accepted either Catholic or Protestant beliefs, and hence, even after conversion they could retain their homogeneity. Dr. Shelke has noted that Catholic priests initially, i.e. towards the end of nineteenth century, converted people from communities like Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars, Bhils and so on in the areas of Kendal and Sangamner.5 In a particular area, across several villages, a majority of families from the same caste got converted into Christianity. Therefore the danger of being excommunicated was averted. The original caste being the same, even after conversion these societies remained homogeneous, and as such the problems like excommunication or ban on marriages did not arise. Since their caste background was the same there was no question of untouchability or casteism among them.

Had there been missionary work across the caste spectrum from upper castes to intermediate castes like Brahmins, Marathas, Malis etc. then there would have been problem of casteism among the Maharashtrian Christians as was observed earlier among the Christians in southern India.

Ajit Lokhande, an India-born Christian researcher based in Germany, has been rather forthright in stating that in a way it was good that the high caste people from Western Maharashtra and Marathwada did not adopt Christianity. “The Mahars, not the caste Hindus, were chosen and blessed with open heart to the word of God. The missionaries never succeeded in entering the realm of caste Hindus. Was it good? Not good? It is difficult to say. Perhaps it was good so. Or else we would have had the skirmishes between castes within the Catholic Church as we see in Tamil Nadu or in Andhra Pradesh. Perhaps we would have experienced differences in the church something like Rites disputes in Kerala. Or even like the silent caste discrimination among the traditional Goan Catholics, which comes to surface on certain occasions. The practice of equality among the children of God is not to be taken for granted in the Catholic Church.’’6 Although, all children of God are equal as per the principle accepted by the Catholic society, it is not necessary that this would be implemented in practice.

The people who embraced Buddhism along with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar comprised mainly Mahars, therefore casteism could not prevail in the neo-Buddhist community. While there were no caste conflicts among dalit Christians in Maharashtra, it cannot be denied that differences over sects surfaced after the conversions. But compared to the Catholics, the number of Protestants is low in Maharashtra, and hence the differences among these sects have not surfaced in the open.

The Catholic and Protestant missionaries, who did not believe in casteism, however, did not oppose untouchability and other caste practices in the Christian community of Southern India for three to four centuries. Had they opposed this wicked practice then, there was a danger of the high caste communities drifting away from Christian religion. Since, there was no awareness in the Christian community itself about this aspect, casteism continued openly for several centuries in Southern India and by stealth in Vasai and Goa.

If efforts are made to bring together the dalits and high castes, or for that matter any other castes and sub castes, for whatever reasons, those who consider themselves high castes do not turn up; this was the experience of the great social reformer Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde in Maharashtra of the twentieth century.

Maharshi Shinde says in his book ’Bharatiya Asprusshatecha Prashna’: “The three supposedly untouchable castes of Mahars, Chambhars and Mangs did not see eye to eye when we opened schools for helping the destitute. Initially nobody used to come. Later Mahars started coming. But due to this very reason and the suspicion that our mission was to bring them all- Mahars Chambhars and Mangs- at par, the Chambhars (who despite being low castes considered themselves superior to Mahars and Mangs) stopped coming. How the already oppressed castes fail to take advantage of effort put in by well wishers due to the prevalent casteism is clear from the statistical data collected by the Depressed Classes Mission of the last five years. It establishes that the Chambars refuse to sit along with Mahars and Mangs and thus prefer not to take advantage of our mission and prefer to forgo the Mission’s benefits.”7

In the post-independence days an organised opposition to casteism started both within the Christian community and the churches. Catholic and Protestant priests started supporting the rights of dalit Christians both within the community and outside.

That castes continue to rule the lives of Indians has been proved time and again by their exclusive food habits, birth and marriage customs. The restrictions on food habits may be fast disappearing in the era of globalistion, but when it comes to marriages even among the ever-increasing tribe of migrants to the West, each detail of the caste and sub caste is looked into.

It is no different back home when it comes to the Maharashtrian Christian families. While looking for a marriage alliance, they look for people in their native places like Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Latur, and Nashik and Kolhapur districts. For a marriage alliance they would not consider friends or brother Christians from Goa, Kerala, Mangalore or Tamil Nadu. There is no denying the fact. Therefore, Prof. Devdatta Husale has posed a question in his lecture, as the president of the fourth ‘Dalit Christian Marathi Sahitya Sammelan’, “ Why these hypocritical Christians who say caste becomes immaterial or non-existent after conversion, rush to Ahmednagar, Jalna and Kolhapur for marriage alliances? Why do they look at their place of origin? This implies that Christians still look for their original caste. How long can this fact be suppressed?” 8

In India, any person from Hindu tradition, on conversion to Christianity, Buddhism or Islam, cannot get rid of his original caste. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar however said this is the folly of the Indian tradition. While answering the question ‘ Why conversion?’ he said, “ It is argued by Hindus that there is no point in resorting to conversion to avoid casteism, since casteism prevails in Christianity and Islam as well. Unfortunately, the fact is casteism has entered other communities too. But this has originated from Hinduism and has spread everywhere. Although there is casteism among Christians and Muslims, it is different from casteism within Hinduism. There may be casteism among Christian and Islamic communities, but it is not the main aspect of their society. When asked ‘ Who are you?’ if somebody answers ‘I am a Christian’ or ‘I am a Muslim’, the answer is adequate and satisfying. It is not necessary to ask ’What is your caste?’ The origin of casteism in Hinduism is the religion itself. Casteism in Muslim and Christian communities has no bearing on the respective religions. If Hindus ever decide to dissolve casteism, then the religion itself will pose an obstacle. But, if Christians and Muslims decide to end the practice of casteism, their religion will not be an obstacle.9

Conversion is a revolt against Chaturvana, exploitation: Rev Nirmal

Rev. Arvind Nirmal who is credited with ushering in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra, says –‘Conversion is not the solution to all the problems arising out of being a dalit. But the act of our conversion to Christianity is our revolt against Hinduism, the religion that created dalitatva, the religion that created the Chaturvarna system and exploited us socially, economically and politically in the name of religion and imposed on us life equivalent to the animals. This religion did not allow us to lead a life of human being. Therefore, through our act of conversion, we have turned down Hinduism and revolted against it. It is immaterial whether conversion wipes out dalitatva but I feel the ‘rejections’, ‘protests’, and ‘revolts’ expressed through conversion are much more important. 10

References: -

1.Gajanan Vishwanath Ketkar, ‘ Khristi Dharma ‘, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth Suvarna Mahotsav Granth : 4, first edition 1969 (Page 231)

2.Felix Alfred Plattner, ‘ The Catholic Church in India, Yesterday and Today’, St. Paul Publications, 28-B, Chatham Lines, Allahabad – 2. Uttar Pradesh, 1984 (Pages 147 to 153).

3.Fr (Dr) Christopher Shelke, History of the missionary work in Ahmednagar district published in ‘ Niropya’ Marathi monthly in 1977, 1978, and 1979 issues, monthly edited and published by Fr Prabhudhar, Rosary Church, Ajra, Kolhapur district

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘ Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Sugava Prakashan Pune, first edition1995, (page 47)

5.Dr Christopher Shelke, ‘Niropya’ Marathi monthly, January 1978, (pages 9 and 10),

6.Ajit Lokhande, ‘Pune Jesuit Mission and Catechists in Ahmednagar District:’ A research paper presented at the conference held to commemorate the arrival of German Jesuits on the west coast of India (1854-2004), Pune 2005 (Unpublished)

7.Vitthal Ramji Shinde, ‘Bharatiya Asprushyatecha Prashna’, Koushalya Prakashan edition , N- 11, C-3/24/3, Hudco, Aurangabad, 431 003, 2003 (Page 136).

8.Sunil Adhav, ‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya  Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ – Khristi Sahitya Sammelan (Prabandha Sangraha) Maharashtra Khristi Sahitya Parishad 1972, (Page 346)

9.Dr. Bhalchandra Dinkar Phadke (edited) ‘ Dr. Ambedkaranche Samajchintan’, Majestic Prakashan, and Marathi Tatwadnyan Mahakosh Mandal, first edition, May 1989 (Page 105, 106).

10.Sunil Adhav, ‘‘ Dharma Christacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ (Page 310)

Sunday, February 7, 2010

Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Fr Jacquier


Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon

(Catholic mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892 onwards)



By Camil Parkhe
camilparkhe@gmail.com

Published by: SFS Publications,
PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore,  560 010

ISBN 81-85376-78-6
First edition 2009

Copyright : SFS Publications


Price: Rs 95, US $ 6.75
Published in 2009



22) Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Jacquierbaba

In the 1960s, there was a wave of tamasha-based films in Marathi film industry. ‘Pinjara’ (The Cage), directed by veteran film director V Shantaram, was one of these films. The hero of the film, a school teacher, attempts to prevent staging of a tamasha show in his village. The teacher whose role is played by Dr Shriram Lagoo single-handed disrupts tamasha shows notwithstanding the presence of hundreds villagers gathered there to enjoy this sensuous folk art presented by beautiful women. The school teacher (master) believes tamasha is an unethical art and it is his moral duty to keep people away from it. Even those villagers who enjoy the show do not offer any resistance when it is abruptly brought to an end.
The belief and action of this ideal teacher reflects the attitude of the society towards this old traditional folk art. What this master did in the film produced in 1970s was precisely done in reality in Aurangabad district by Fr Jacquier half a century earlier. A majority of the artistes in this folk art were the members of the untouchable community among whom this priest was working. The French missionary believed tamasha encouraged adultery, involved sexual and social exploitation of the women and other artiste members of the troupe.
In my childhood, tamasha shows used to be held on every Friday - the day of the weekly bazaar - in my home town, Shrirampur. The bazaar site was hardly 500 meters away from home. A tent, smaller than the circus tent, used to be erected on the ground adjacent to the weekly bazaar. From morning to evening on that day, we children used to hear the publicity of the show made on loudspeakers fitted on vehicles having pictures of dancing women with heavy make up and turban-wearing men playing dholkis (drums) and other musical instruments.
The tamasha shows were attended by a large number of men folks, majority of them residents of neighbouring villages. I do not remember any member of my or my friends’ families ever attending the tamasha shows. We children were allowed to see films in local theatres but never ever we entertained the thought of attending the tamasha show. The tamasha shows which consisted of obscene songs and dialogues, seductive dances with reciprocated response from the excited members of the audience was naturally not meant for people with good character, we were told.
Research scholar Dr Milind Kasbe in his book in Marathi Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Tamasha: Art and artistes’) says, “ the immorality which quietly creeps into this folk art is a matter of grave concern. The feudal mentally of the high caste people forces women belonging to the lower castes like Mahar, Mang and Kolhati to dance on the stage and throw cash towards her to make her strip. The question is why one should preserve this folk art if this mentality is not changed.1
Veteran Marathi stage and film actor Nilu Phule who has acted in many tamasha-related films in his preface to the above mentioned book has said: “Most of the tamasha artistes are people belonging to the so-called backward and untouchable castes like Mahar, Mang, Kolhati, and Gopal. Indebtedness is a major crisis plaguing the tamasha industry. The tamasha troupe owners take loans from moneylenders and the tamasha artistes take loans from the troupe owners. Thus, all constituents of this trade – the troupe owners, the artistes and the labourers – are deep neck into the debt trap. A majority of those offering loans belong to higher castes. The women tamasha artistes have to surrender themselves to the moneylenders if they are unable to repay their loans. I have always wondered why these artistes, despite always living in penury have clung on to this folk art.”
The opposition to the obscenity in tamasha became more vocal after India gained independence. The chief minister of the Mumbai province B G Kher had imposed a ban on this folk art in 1948. A tamasha reform committee, led by Mahamahopadhyay Datto Waman Potdar, was subsequently constituted to recommend changes in the content and performance of the folk art. The committee suggested imposition of conditions like performance as per the written script, avoiding obscene dialogues, ban on the members of the audience physically touching the women artistes. The ban was lifted when the tamasha troupes agreed to abide by these rules. 2
The University of Pune’s Pawala Paththe Bapurao Sahitya, Sangeet, Lok Kala Academy and Pathfinder International had organised a tamasha festival and workshop in Pune in October 2007. A brochure released on the occasion speaks on the origin of this folk art. Accordingly, the word tamasha has apparently has its origin is Persian language and was adopted in Marathi language through Urdu. Some scholars believe the folk art owes its origin to the Muslim influence in the medieval period. The brochure underlines that the folk art remained confined to the Mahar, Mang, Gondhali, Kolhati and Dombari, the untouchable and other depressed communities in Maharashtra. Of course, the patrons of the folk art who socially, economically and sexually exploited the tamasha artistes were the upper caste people.
For centuries, the traditional professions in India have been caste-based and so was the case with several folk arts. Tamasha art was mainly developed and preserved by Mahar and Mang communities. The women of these castes used to sing and dance while the men used to also sing and play various traditional musical instruments like the dholki, tuntune, manjira, duff, Halgi, kad and harmonium. The caste of these tamasha artistes speaks volumes for the social status or reputation enjoyed by this folk art in the society as a whole.
The season for the stage shows of tamasha normally started after the Dasara festival, that is after the monsoon season and ended after the Askhay Trutiya festival which marked commencement of the marriage festival. During the marriage season and also during the annual village temple festival (yatra), the Mahar folks offered music accompaniment.3 I remember during my childhood, sons of my uncles used to play pipani, dholki and other musical instruments during the village marriages. Only after reading this reference recently did I realise the social factors connected to this seasonal job. It meant the seasonal job was also caste-based and that my maternal cousins may have picked up the musical skill from some elder members in the family. Some members of either my father’s family in Wahegaon or mother’s family in Ghogargaon might have been associated with the tamasha trade in some way or the other as was the case with most members of the Mahar community at that time.
Veteran Marathi poet Narayan Surve in his article on Shahir Annabhau Sathe also underlines the social stigma associated to tamasha. In his article written in 1969, Surve writes: “Twenty five years ago, the word ‘tamasha’ was akin to an untouchable. Tamasha meant a form of theatre which was not meant for the gentlemen or girls and womenfolk. It included a nachya, (a dancer boy or man with long hair) who made indecent and obscene gestures, sang sensual songs. It was believed tamasha spoilt the cultural taste of the gentle folks. The tamasha artistes are untouchable persons and to see this folk art was considered a sin.” 4
This was the social scenario which prompted Jacquierbaba to persuade the members of untouchable community not to allow their sexual, social and economic exploitation by the higher social classes. He indeed resorted to the coercion route when persuasion failed and the local Christians continued their association with this folk art. The school teacher (master) in the film Pinjara (Hindi version of this film was also made) forcibly halts staging of a tamasha show with the same conviction that the folk art involved unethical, sinful activities. The present Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra, R R Patil, has imposed a ban on dance bars in his state, on the ground that the singing and dancing by girls and women in hotels and bars is unethical and sexual, economical exploitation of the women concerned.
In the published writings related to the life and works of Fr Jacquier, I have never come across the campaign launched by this missionary against this folk art. Nonetheless, I have repeatedly heard from my parents and my maternal uncles about this priest’s solitary drive to bring down the curtain down to this stage art for once and for. My two maternal uncles, Shantwan and Waman Shingare, had for some years served as drivers of Fr Jacquier’s horse cart. There is not ground to doubt the credibility of the testimony of the old residents of Ghogargaon who had lived during the times of Fr Jacquier. My Mother, Marthabai, now nearing to be an octogenarian is also among those who had seen Fr Jacquier during his last years.
Fr Jacquier who was based in Ghogargaon since 1896 had earned the respect of the untouchable Mahar community - majority of whom had converted to Christianity - as well as the the upper castes Maratha and Brahmin communities. He also commanded respect among the government officials of the Hyderabad’s ruler Nizam. As an European and highly educated man, he was also feared by the otherwise powerful people in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district. Under such circumstances, when Fr Jacquier single handedly opposed tamasha stage shows, there was hardly anyone who could challenge his moral or legal authority to do so.
Fr Jacquier had understood the social nature of this folk art. After arriving from France, Fr Jacquier had taken lessons in English and Marathi and acquired mastery over both these languages. Later, for several years, this French missionary used to teach the local populace to sing Marathi hymns and bhajans. He must have studied tamasha thoroughly before he decided to oppose on the grounds of its social and ethical implications.
It is said that whenever a tamasha show was staged in the villages around Ghogargaon, Fr Jacquier used to reach there. He would climb the stage and force the artistes to stop the show midway. Tamasha shows are always held at nights and continue till the break of the dawn. Jacquierbaba did not mind losing his sleep to travel a long distance at night if it meant preventing members of his flock from straying away from the moral path. He used to force the women artistes to unstrap the heavy ankle bells (ghoongaroos), each weighing five to seven kilos, and confiscate them. Sometimes, he also cut the long hair of the nachya to prevent him to play the same role at least for the next few weeks. Often, the priest used to return home carrying in his horse cart the dholkis (drums), cymbals and other musical instruments to prevent the tamasha troupe to stage another show.
Considering Jacquierbaba’s the strong opposition of Fr Jacquier to tamasha, it is doubtful whether any shows of this folk art were ever staged in Ghogargaon as long as this six ft-tall missionary was physically able to travel on horse back or in horse carts to stop the shows.
I have often heard my parents saying that two rooms in Ghogargaon’s church complex were filled with musical instruments confiscated by Jacquierbaba during his drive against tamasha. When I visited Ghogargaon in 2005, the local parish priest Fr Stephen Almeida endorsed this view. He told me that even he had heard from his parishioners that the musical instruments were stored in some rooms till a decade back.
Jacquierbaba’s drive against tamasha, of course, had social reference of the century-old period. Now, the times have changed and there are attempts by the government administration as well some cultural organisations to preserve this traditional folk art. However, despite the abolition of untouchability in India after the country gained independence, the caste-related references to this folk art have not changed. The tamasha artistes continue to belong to the lower castes like Mahar, Mang and Kolhati. Despite the state patronage to this folk art, tamasha artistes have failed to achieve economic prosperity or social respect. Artistes playing roles in Marathi theatre shows or in films now enjoy both prosperity and glamour. This fortune has eluded the tamasha artistes.
The exploitation of tamasha artistes has continued to this date as it was during the days of Jacquierbaba. No tamasha artiste would like her or his children to take up this profession. There seems to be some truth in the question posed by actor Nilu Phule as to why these artistes have clung on to this art if it has failed to offer them happiness and prestige. In the light of these circumstances, one may wonder whether the steps taken by Jacquierbaba to end this folk art were indeed in the interests of the tamasha artistes.

References:
1) Dr Milind Kasbe: Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Tamasha: Art and artistes) Marathi book published by Sugawa Prakashan, Pune (2007) (page 9)
2) As above, page 29
3) V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, ‘Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana’ (Rural social structure in Maharashtra), Publisher: D R Gadgil, Gokhale Institute of Economics, Pune 411 004 (1957) (Page 20)
4) Narayan Surve, “Manoos, Kalawant Aani Samaj” (Marathi), (Human, an artiste and the society), Published by Popular Prakashan, 36 C, Malaviya Marg, Mumbai, 400 034 (1992), (Page 68)
5) Dr Milind Kasbe: Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Page 51)
* *

Untouchability and dalits in 20th century




Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon



(Catholic mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892 onwards)

By Camil Parkhe
camilparkhe@gmail.com


Copyright : SFS Publications
Published by: SFS Publications,

PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore, 560 010


ISBN 81-85376-78-6

First edition 2009


Index

i) Preface- Bishop Edwin Colaco, Aurangabad diocese
ii) Fr Marian Fernandes, MSFS Provincial, Pune Province
iii) Fr Stephen Almeida, parish priest of Ghogargaon
1) A pilgrimage to Ghogargaon
2) Arrival of Christianity in Nizam’s Hyderabad state
3) Ghogargaon – First MSFS mission in Nagpur diocese
4) Fr Marian Thomas, Mission founder
5) Fr Jacquier- From France to Ghogargaon
6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century
7) Dalit Christians during pre-independence era
8) Portrait of Fr Gurien Jacquier
9) Boosting morale of Dalit Christians
10) Foundation of Borsar mission
11) World War I: MSFS priests in Jesuits’ Nagar missions
12) Fr Jacquier in Rahata
13) Fr Berger in Kendal
14) Social scenario in Rahata, Sangamner, Kendal
15) A Jesuit’s tribute to MSFS priests
16) Christianity in Marathwada (1915-1923)
17 Fr Forel in Borsar mission
18) Christ the King Church, Ghogargaon
19 Lohgaon-Bidkin mission - Paithan
20) Archbishop Doering’s visit to Ghogargaon
21) A missionary’s dilemma
22) Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Jacquierbaba
23) Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchabalility
24) First local vocations: Fr Monteiro, Bro Taide
25) Jacquierbaba in his twilight years
26) Civic reception to Jacquierbaba
27) Called to eternal reward
28) Ghogargaon: Two sons of soil ordained priests
29) Formation of Aurangabad diocese
30) Parishes in Aurangabad (Marathwada) diocese
------

6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived from France in Ghogargaon in Aurangabad district when the 20th century was about to end. The British had by that time established their political rule almost all over India. Aurangabad district was at that time a part of the princely state of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Ghogargaon became Fr Jacquier’s permanent home. He was transferred from there twice but returned to his ‘home’ again where he spent his twilight years and chose this obscure village as his final resting place.
The role played by this missionary in transforming the prevalent social, religious structure would be known only when one takes into consideration the feudal society, the rigid caste structure and the barbarian, inhuman custom of untouchability, called by Mahatma Gandhi as the scourge on humanity. In the 20th century, the human habitation was not found located at one place in the village. Some people preferred to stay on their farms, a cluster some 10 to 12 homes used to locate elsewhere and it was called as Wadi. The central location of the village where a majority of the villagers lived was called as ‘Gaothan’. This main site of the village used to well fortified with a wall and a main tall entrance to protect the villagers from dacoits and other unwanted unscrupulous elements. This fortified wall was called as Gaokusu. Only the people belonging to the high caste were permitted to live within the protected walls of the gaokusu. The others, the outcaste people, were condemned to live beyond the village territory and were allowed to step in the village only when their services were required by the upper echelon.
The high caste community which lived in the village enclosure included those belonging to the first three of the total four varnas or the chaturvarnas. The three varnas which enjoyed social dignity included Brahmins, Kshatriyas and the Vaishyas as described in the Manu Smriti, the law book of Manu. The upper caste community too was divided into various sub-castes and groups, with some groups claiming the superiority of their sub-castes and the others contesting these claims.
The people belonging to the last Varna, Shudras were those who lived outside the village fence wall. The main outcastes, also referred to as untouchables, were the Mahar, Mang and Chambar (cobblers). Besides, there were also some tribes and nomadic tribes which had inferior status in the social structure.
                Unlike the other upper and lower castes, the Mahars are found almost in all villages in Maharashtra. According to some scholars, in fact, Maharashtra has earned its name, the Rashtra (nation) of Mahars, from its dominant Mahar population. Veteran anthropologist Dr Iravati Karve has said that except the Mahars, no other caste, not even the Maratha or Kunbi, has its presence in all villages of the Maharashtra state in India. 1
The untouchables are those whose even sight was considered as inauspicious and bad omen and the upper caste people considered it to be a sin to touch them. The upper caste people had to bathe again to purify themselves if any time they accidentally touched the untouchables.
Some books published in Marathi during the early years of the 20th century throw light on the social situation, the caste-based barter system and the condition of the untouchables in Maharashtra during this period. Trimbak Narayan Aatre who had served as a tehsildar during the British regime has written a book in Marathi, entitled ‘Gaogada’, ‘the village chariot’ which was published in 1915. 2
Another relevant book is ‘The Mahar folk- a study of untouchables in Maharashtra’ written by Rev Alexander Robertson and published in 1938. 3
Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra)’ is another book, written by economist Dr V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, his colleague at the Pune-based Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics which throws light on the social structure prevailing in the 1950s when the country had got freed of its political shackles. 4
The horrifying predicament of the untouchable communities is also reflected in the autobiographical writings of the Dalit writers published in Marathi after 1970s.
The settlements of the Mahars and the Mangs, located outside the village’s boundary walls used to be called as the Maharwada or Mangwada, respectively. In Vaijapur and Gangapur talukas of Aurangabad district where Fr Jacquier worked, Maharwada was ironically referred to as the Rajwada (the palace). Many residents of the Maharwadas in these talukas were converted to Christianity by Fr Jacquier and his MSFS priest colleagues. Nonetheless, a century after their conversion, these settlements are referred to as Rajwada even in 2008. So much is the rigidity of the caste system in India.
The villages which had a boundary wall from all sides to protect the villagers from the thugs and dacoits had an entry gate, the Wes. The gates used to be closed after sunset and opened only after the break of the dawn. The wes was guarded by a weskar, a member of the Mahar community. The Weskar would function as a watchman, keeping a close vigil on the people entering and going out of the village. He would also stand as main witness in the event of any civil or criminal dispute in the village.
The settlement of the lower castes and the untouchables was always on the lower directions of the river or steam. This enabled the higher caste people to collect or avail of the flowing water before it was contaminated by the touch of the lower castes people or the untouchables. There was a hierarchy even among the so-called higher castes and the flowing water was consumed as per this social ladder.
Accordingly, the Brahmins who unquestionably stood at the top of the social ladder availed of the river, stream water first, followed by the upper caste people such as the Marathas, goldsmiths, Kunbis, Malis and others. Even the untouchables had hierarchy among themselves and their locations of river/stream water consumption were fixed accordingly. In the lower caste hierarchy, the Ramoshis and Chambhars stood on a higher plain, followed by the Dhor, the Mahar and the Mang. The Bhangis or the scavengers stood at the bottom of this social pyramid. Of course, in practice, the Mahars considered themselves higher than the Mangs or the Chambhars and the vice versa.
When the rivers or the stream dried during the summer and in areas where there were no flowing sources of water, the entire community within the village boundary and the outside had to depend on the wells. Most of the times, each of the upper castes and the lower castes people had their independent wells. The untouchables had to depend totally on the mercy of the higher caste people when they had no wells of their own or when these wells got dried during the summer. The untouchables were forbidden to draw water from the wells meant for the upper castes and they had to wait near the wells for some good soul from the upper castes to take pity on them and pour water on their hands to quench their thirst. But the upper caste man or woman would take care to pour from safe distance lest he or she be defiled by the touch or shadow of the untouchables. In the history of the humankind, no other parts of the world ever had such most inhuman, cruel traditions. Perhaps, even the slaves during the ancient period were treated with more consideration!
The treatment meted out to the untouchables was worse that the treatment given to the slaves during ancient period. The barbarian social practice of untouchability perhaps had only one parallel in the history of human kind – the treatment given to the black people – the people of African race who were denied basic human rights in their countries or in Europe and America on account of the colour of their skin.
It was the total contempt for the inhuman custom of untouchability that led to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to launch a stir to open the Chavdar Lake at Mahad in the Konkan region of Maharashtra in 1927. Even after this agitation, the public water bodies in Maharashtra were not thrown open to the untouchables. The high caste people also refused to open the public temples to the Dalits.

This stubborn attitude of the high caste community had led much exasperated Dr Ambedkar to declare his intention in 1927 to give up Hinduism and to embrace another religion which would offer him and his followers a dignified life. Despite his threat, there was no change in the attitude of the higher caste community, forcing Dr Ambedkar and his numerous followers to give up Hinduism and embrace Buddhism in 1956.

“During our survey of 72 villages, we have not come across any incident of the untouchables availing of the water at the public wells in their villages,” wrote veteran economist V M Dandekar and his companion M B Jagtap a few years after India had gained Independence. 5

This was the social situation prevailing when Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in 1896 to preach the gospel in rural parts of Aurangabad district. The only people who positively responded to him and embraced Christianity were the Mahars, the untouchables. It was indeed a great challenge to socially and spiritually shape this most oppressed community. The French missionary took the gauntlet and did not give up till he breathed his last in the same village five decades later.
References:
1) Iravati Karve, ‘Mahar Ani Maharashtra (Mahar and Maharashtra), ‘Paripurti’ (Marathi), published by Deshmukh and Company Pvt Ltd., 473, Sadashiv Peth, Pune 411 030 (10th edition 1990), (page 74)
2) Trimbak Narayan Aatre, ‘Gaongada’ (Village Cycle) Publishers: H A Bhave, Warada Books, 397/1, Senapati Bapat Road, Pune 411 016 (Third edition, reprinting 1995)
3) Alexander Robertson, ‘The Mahar Folk- A study of untouchables in Maharashtra – The religious life of India series’; Publishers- Y M C A Publishing House, 5 Russell Street, Kolkata, Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press (first edition 1938), second edition published in 2005 by Dr Ashok Gaikwad, Kaushalya Prakashan, N-11, C-3/24/3, HUDCO, Aurangabad (Maharashtra)
4) V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, ‘Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra), Published by D R Gadgil, Gokhale Institute of Economics, Pune (1957)
5) As above; Page 10