ख्रिस्ती समाजात जातींनी आणि जमातींनी प्रवेश केला

मध्ययुगीन काळात, ब्रिटिश आमदानीत आणि नंतरही भारतातल्या ख्रिस्ती समाजात स्थानिक संस्कृतीतील विविध जातींनी आणि जमातींनी प्रवेश केला आणि तिथे आपले पाय मजबूत रोवले. हे कसे घडले त्याची ही त्याची ही कथा.

केरळ राज्यात ख्रिस्ती धर्म पहिल्या शतकापासून आहे. तिथले ख्रिश्चन लोक येशू ख्रिस्ताच्या बारा प्रेषितांपैकी एक असलेल्या संत थॉमसचा वारसा सांगतात. सोळाव्या आणि सतराव्या शतकांत युरोपियन मिशनरींनी गोव्यात, मुंबईजवळ पालघर जिल्ह्यात वसई येथे आणि दक्षिण भारतात मदुराई वगैरे परिसरांत धर्मप्रसार केला तेव्हा या धर्मांतरीत लोकांनी आपल्याबरोबर आपल्या जाती, जमाती आणि या जातीजमाजातींशी निगडित असलेल्या प्रथापरंपरा ख्रिस्ती समाजात आणल्या. ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी आणि त्यांच्या धर्माधिकाऱ्यांनी हे धकवून घेतले. पोर्तुगिजांची गोव्यात राजवट असल्याने तिथे धर्मांतरानंतर काही प्रमाणात या प्रथापरंपरांना आळा बसला, मात्र पोर्तुगीज राजवट या धर्मांतरीतांच्या मूळ जातीजमाती आणि त्यासंबंधी असलेल्या विविध प्रथा आणि परंपरा समुळपणे नष्ट करु शकली नाही हेसुद्धा तितकेच खरे.

दक्षिण भारतात ख्रिस्ती ब्राह्मणांनी जानवे घालणे, शेंडी राखणे, कपाळावर भस्म चोपडणे¸संन्याशी, गुरू म्हणून भगवी वस्त्रे परिधान करणे हे ख्रिस्ती धर्मतत्त्वांशी विसंगत की सुसंगत आहे याबाबत उहापोह मदुराईत आणि अगदी इटलीमधल्या रोमपर्यत चालला होता. या प्रकरणात असले हे प्रकार नवधर्मांतरीत ख्रिस्ती समाजात रूढ करणाऱ्या इटालियन जेसुईट फादर रॉबर्ट डी नोबिली यांचे धर्मगुरुपदाचे तसेच बाप्तिस्मा करण्याचे अधिकार निलंबित करण्यात आले होते.

मात्र याबाबत दीर्घकाळ चाललेल्या चौकशीनंतर रोमस्थित पोपमहाशयांनी अखेरीस रॉबर्ट डी नोबिली यांचे म्हणणे मान्य केले. अशाप्रकारे आडपडद्याने का होईना जातीव्यवस्थेने ख्रिस्ती समाजात प्रवेश केला आणि यथावकाश तेथे मग मजबूत बस्तान बसवले.

देशाच्या इतर भागांत मध्यगीन काळात आणि अव्वल ब्रिटिश अमदानीच्या काळात ख्रिस्ती धर्माचा प्रसार झाला आणि त्याकाळात हा धर्म खऱ्या अर्थाने राष्ट्रपातळीवरचा आणि इथल्या सर्व - वरच्या, मध्यम स्तरावरच्या आणि खालच्या गणल्या जाणाऱ्या - जातींचा आणि जमातींचा बनला.

ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनीच्या अंमलात असलेल्या मुंबई बंदरात तीन अमेरीकन मिशनरींनी १२ फेब्रुवारी १८१२ रोजी मुंबई बंदरात पाऊल ठेवला. ईस्ट इंडिया कंपनीच्या अंमलात असलेल्या भारतात ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींच्या कार्यावर असलेली बंदी ब्रिटीश संसदेने १८१३ला उठवली. त्यानंतर अमेरिकन आणि स्कॉटिश मिशनरींनी मुंबईत आणि नजिकच्या परिसरांत भारताच्या इतिहासात पहिल्यांदाच आधुनिक पद्धतीच्या शाळा सुरु केल्या आणि भारतात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसाराचे, आधुनिक शिक्षणाचे आणि त्यामुळे विविध क्षेत्रांतील प्रबोधनाचे नवे युग सुरु झाले.

आधुनिक भारतात प्रवेश करणारे आद्य परदेशी मिशनरी असलेल्या गॉर्डन हॉल यांनी आपल्या घरात आश्रय दिलेल्या एका आफ्रिकन मुलाचा -डॅनियलचा - १२ जुलै १८१८ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा केला, आधुनिक काळात ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी भारतात केलेला हा पहिला बाप्तिस्मा. मात्र बाप्तिस्मा करणारे आणि स्विकारणारी व्यक्ती दोघेही परदेशी होते.

या काळात ख्रिस्ती धर्मात प्रवेश करणारी पहिली एतद्देशीय व्यक्ती मुसलमान होती हे या अमेरिकन मराठी मिशनचा इतिहास वाचला कि स्पष्ट होते. मोहंमद कादिन किंवा कादेर यार खान या मुळच्या हैदराबादचा असलेल्या वयाने ज्येष्ठ असलेल्या मुस्लीम व्यक्तीचा मुंबईत २५ सप्टेंबर १८१९ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा झाला.

मॅन्युएल अंतोनिओ या रोमन कॅथोलिकाचा १८२५ साली पुन्हा एकदा प्रोटेस्टंट पंथात बाप्तिस्मा देण्यात आला आणि हेसुद्धा `धर्मांतर' असेच गणले गेले. उमाजी गोविंद या चांभार व्यक्तीने १८२७ साली ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्वीकारला.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरींनी कोकणात हर्णै आणि बाणकोट येथे मिशनकार्य म्हणजे शाळा चालवणे आणि धर्मप्रसार करणे सुरु केले. डोनाल्ड मिचेल, जॉन कुपर, जेम्स मिचेल, ए क्रॉफर्ड आणि रॉबर्ट नेस्बिट हे ते स्कॉटिश आद्य मिशनरी.

इथल्या समाजात जात किती खोलवर रोवलेली आहे याचा अनुभव या आद्य मिशनरींना खूप लवकर आला. ही घटना १८२७च्या आसपासची आहे. या मिशनरींच्या मिशनकामाला यश येऊन एका हिंदु व्यक्तीने ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला होता. त्याचा बाप्तिस्मा झाल्यानंतर काही आठवड्यांनीं या मिशनरींनी प्रभुभोजनाचा म्हणजे येशु ख्रिस्ताच्या `लास्ट सपर’ किंवा शेवटच्या भोजनाच्या स्मरणार्थ केला जाणारा विधी चर्चमध्ये आयोजित केला होता. या विधीसाठी सर्व जण एकत्रित बसले होते.

प्रभुभोजन सुरु होणार तोच नव्यानेच ख्रिस्ती झालेला तो माणूस तटदिशी उभा राहिला, ''नाही, नाही. मी माझी जात इतक्या लवकर सोडणार नाही,'' असे म्हणत त्याने त्या चर्चबाहेर धूम ठोकली.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरी जॉन विल्सन बाणकोटला १८२९ आले तेव्हा बाणकोटचा रामचंद्र पुराणिक हा पुराण सांगणारा ब्राह्मण ख्रिस्ती झाला होता. उच्चवर्णीय ब्राह्मण जातीतल्या मराठी लोकांपैकी ख्रिस्ती झालेला हा पहिला माणूस. जॉन विल्सन यांनी मुंबईत १८३० साली हिंदु धर्म आणि ख्रिस्ती धर्म याबाबत वादविवाद आयोजित केला तेंव्हा ख्रिस्ती धर्माचा गड या रामचंद्र पुराणिकने लढवला होता.

प्रभु समाजातील दाजिबा निळकंठने ५ डिसेंबर १८३० रोजी ख्रिस्ती समाजाची दीक्षा घेतली,. कोकणातील देवाचे गोठणे येथील एक ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथ मराठे बाणकोट २० नोव्हेंबर १८३१ रोजी ख्रिस्ती झाला.

ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथचा बाप्तिस्मा झाल्यानंतर लगेचच त्याचा एका ब्राह्मण विधवेशी विवाह झाला. लग्नाआधीच ते दोघे एकत्र राहत होते, म्हणजे आताच्या भाषेत `लिव्ह इन रिलेशनशिप’ मध्ये होते.

त्याकाळात समाजातल्या खालच्या गणल्या जातींजमातींमध्ये स्त्रियांना आर्थिक आणि सामाजिकदृष्ट्या अधिक मोकळीक होते असे दिसते. या जातींजमातींमधल्या विधवांना किंवा नवऱ्याने टाकून दिलेल्या स्त्रियांना पुनर्विवाह करण्याची मुभा होती. गाठ मारणे. पाट लावणे किंवा म्होतुर लावणे अशी काही नावे या पुनर्विवाहांना होती. सती ही अत्यंत घृण प्रथासुद्धा केवळ वरच्या जातींत होती.

ब्राह्मण जातीतील विधवा पुनर्विवाहाच्या या घटनेनंतर अनेक वर्षांनी म्हणजे तब्बल पाच दशकांनंतर १८५६ मध्ये पुनर्विवाहाला कायदेशीर मान्यता मिळाली होती.

भारतात उच्चवर्णिय गणल्या जाणाऱ्या ब्राह्मण समाजातील विधवा पुनर्विवाहाची ही बहुधा पहिलीच घटना असावी. महर्षी केशव धोंडो कर्वे यांनी पंडिता रमाबाई यांच्या आश्रमातील गोदू या विधवेशी १८९३ ला पुनर्विवाह केला होता तो तब्बल सहा दशकांनंतर.

बाबाजी रघुनाथ या ब्राह्मणाशी एका ब्राह्मण विधवेने १८३१ साली केलेला हा पुनर्विवाह समाजशास्त्रज्ञांकडून आणि इतर अभ्यासकांकडून दुर्लक्षितच राहिला आहे.

ब्राह्मण विधवेचा हा पुनर्विवाह ज्या दिवशी झाला त्याच दिवशी त्याच चॅपेलमध्ये (प्रार्थनामंदिरात ) आणखी एक मोठी किंवा त्याहून अधिक क्रांतिकारक घटना घडली होती. ती म्हणजे ब्राह्मण बाबाजी रघुनाथला बाप्तिस्मा देण्यात आला त्याच दिवशी महार जातीच्या गोपी या महिलेचेसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती धर्मात स्वागत करण्यात आले. हिंदू धर्मातील दोन विरुद्ध असलेले टोक अशाप्रकारे पहिल्यांदाच ख्रिस्ती बंधुभावात एकत्र आले अशा शब्दात या घटनेचे वर्णन करण्यात आले आहे.

अमेरिकन मराठी मिशनने अहमदनगर शहराच्या वेशीच्या आत सर्वप्रथम बाप्तिस्मा केला तो त्यांच्याकडे डॉ. ग्रॅहॅम यांनी सुपूर्द केलेल्या पुअर हाऊसमधील दृष्टिहीन, मूकबधिर, अपंग आणि अनाथ लोकांचा. कुटुंबियांनी आणि समाजाने टाकून दिलेल्या या अनाथ आणि अपंग व्यक्तींच्या मूळ जातीजमाती काय होत्या हे कळणे अशक्य आहे. या डॉ. ग्रॅहॅम यांनीच अमेरिकन मिशनच्या लोकांचे अहमदनगर शहरात १८३१ साली स्वागत केले होते.

मुंबईत उच्चभ्रु गणल्या जाणाऱ्या पारशी समाजातील काही तरुणांनी ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला तेव्हा मोठी खळबळ माजली होती, कोर्टकचेऱ्यासुद्धा झाल्या होत्या.

स्कॉटिश मिशनरी जॉन विल्सन यांच्या शाळेत शिकणाऱ्या धनजीभाई नौरोजी आणि होरमसजी पेस्तनजी या दोन पारशी तरुणांनी १८३९च्या अनुक्रमे १ मे आणि ५ मे रोजी पोलीस पहाऱ्यात ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्वीकारला.

या दोन पारशी तरूणांपैकी होरमसजी पुढे ख्रिस्ती धर्मगुरू झाला, स्कॉटलंडमध्ये धर्मशिक्षण पुर्ण केले आणि भारतात दीर्घकाळ मिशनकार्य केले, त्यांनी आपले आत्मचरित्रसुद्धा लिहिले आहे.

मुंबईत परळीचा तरुण देशस्थ ब्राह्मण नारायणशास्त्री शेषाद्री ख्रिस्ती झाला, त्याचा बारा वर्षाचा धाकटा भाऊ श्रीपतशास्त्री यानेसुद्धा स्कॉटिश मिशन हाऊसमध्ये धर्मातरासाठी आश्रय घेतला होता. याप्रकरणी श्रीपतीला डांबून ठेवल्याचा आरोप करणारा हेबीअसं कॉपर्स अर्ज न्यायालयात रेव्हरंड रॉबर्ट नेस्बिट यांच्याविरुद्ध दाखल करण्यात आला होता.

भारताच्या इतिहासात पहिल्यांदाच कायद्याचा अंमल सुरु झाला होता, या कायद्यासमोर न्यायालयात आणले जाणारे सर्व फिर्यादी आणि समान होते. एखाद्या व्यक्तीला बेकायदेशीररित्या डांबून ठेवण्यात आले आहे असा आरोप करणारे कलम असणारे `हेबीअस कॉपर्स' चा खटला या निमित्ताने भारतात पहिल्यांदाच चालवला गेला असणार.

रेव्हरंड नारायणशास्त्री शेषाद्री यांनी ख्रिस्ती मिशनरी म्हणून फार मोठे योगदान दिले.

सोराबजी खारसेटजी लांगराना हा मुंबईतला पारशी तरुणही त्यानंतर लगेचच ख्रिस्ती झाला. फ्रान्सीना सांत्या या निलगिरी प्रदेशातील तोडा आदिवासी जमातीच्या असलेल्या मात्र ब्रिटिश रेजिमेंट अधिकारी सर फ्रान्सिस फोर्ड आणि त्यांची पत्नी कोर्नेलिया यांनी सांभाळलेल्या मुलीशी सोराबजी याचे लग्न झाले. सोराबजी १८७८ ला आपली सरकारी नोकरी सोडून पूर्ण वेळ ख्रिस्ती मिशनरी बनले. त्यांच्या पत्नीने फ्रान्सीना सांत्या यांनी पुण्यात बालवाडी (नंतरची व्हिक्टोरिया स्कुल), इंग्रजी, मराठी, गुजराती आणि उर्दू माध्यमाच्या शाळा सुरु केल्या .

सोराबजी हा पारशी ख्रिस्ती तरुण आणि त्यांची तोडा आदिवासी पत्नी फ्रान्सीना सांत्या यांची आणखी एक महत्त्वाची ओळख म्हणजे भारतातली पहिली महिला वकिल कॉर्नेलिया सोराबजी यांचे हे दोघे पिता आणि माता.

जॉन विल्सन यांचे परमस्नेही असलेल्या व्याकरणकार दादोबा पांडुरंग तर्खडकर यांची मुलगी वेणुबाई हिने वैधव्यानंतर एका ख्रिस्ती कुटुंबाच्या सहवासात राहून शिक्षण घेतले आणि तिने ख्रिस्ती धर्मही स्वीकारला होता.

पंजाबचे राजा रणजितसिंग यांच्या मृत्युनंतर ब्रिटिशांनीं पंजाबचे राज्य खालसा केले. रणजितसिंहांचा पंधरा वर्षांचा मुलगा युवराज दुलिपसिंह दुलिपसिंह ख्रिस्ती होतो आणि काहीं काळानंतर इंग्लंड येथेच स्थायिक होतो. ख्रिस्ती धर्माची दीक्षा घेणारा युवराज दुलिपसिंह हा पहिला सेलिब्रिटी किंवा वलयांकित शीखधर्मीय. भारताच्या पहिल्या आरोग्यमंत्री राजकुमारी अमृत कौर या दुसऱ्या वलयांकित व्यक्ती.

पंजाबमध्ये आणि संपुर्ण भारतात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसार करणाऱ्या मिशनरींमध्ये साधू सुंदरसिंग या मूळच्या शीखधर्मीय असलेल्या गूढवादी किंवा मिस्टिक धर्मगुरुचा समावेश होतो.

अहमदनगरच्या हरिपंत ख्रिस्ती या देशस्थ ब्राह्मण तरुणाचा १३ एप्रिल १८३९ रोजी बाप्तिस्मा झाला.

१८५४ साली हरिपंत रामचंद्र खिस्ती आणि रामकृष्ण विनायक मोडक यांचा धर्मोपदेशक म्हणून दीक्षाविधी झाला. महाराष्ट्रात इतद्देशियांपैकी धर्मोपदेशक म्हणून दीक्षा मिळणारे ते पहिलेच दोन तरुण. येथील मराठी समाजात ख्रिस्ती धर्मप्रसार करणारे इथल्या मातीतील हे पहिले दोन मिशनरी. यापैकी रामकृष्णपंत विनायक मोडक हे अनेक चित्रपटांत कृष्णाच्या भूमिका साकारणारे प्रसिद्ध अभिनेते शाहू मोडक यांचे पणजोबा.

हरिपंत खिस्ती हे इंग्रजीतील `सगुणा' ही आत्मचरित्रात्मक कादंबरी लिहिणाऱ्या आणि खालावलेल्या प्रकृतीमुळे वैद्यकीय शिक्षण अर्ध्यावर सोडावे लागणाऱ्या कृपा सत्यनाथन या महिलेचे वडील. ``सगुणा : अ स्टोरी ऑफ नेटिव्ह ख्रिश्चन लाईफ'' ही कादंबरी १८८७ साली प्रसिद्ध झाली. इंग्रजीत लिखाण करणारी कृपा सत्यनाथन ही पहिली भारतीय स्त्री-कादंबरीकार .

त्याकाळात पुण्यामुंबईत स्कॉटिश आणि अमेरिकन मिशनरींच्या संपर्कात आलेल्या अनेक सुशिक्षित ब्राह्मण व्यक्तींनी ख्रिस्ती धर्म स्विकारला आणि इथल्या उच्चभ्रू समाजात धोक्याची घंटा लावली. यथावकाश योग्य ती पावले उचलून आणि विविध सामाजिक, आध्यात्मिक किंवा धार्मिक मंडळे / समाज स्थापन करुन ख्रिस्ती धर्माचे हे आक्रमण रोखण्यास बऱ्यापैकी यश आले.

त्यानंतर ख्रिस्ती मिशनरींनी आपला लक्ष महाराष्ट्रातील ग्रामीण भागांतील दुर्लक्षित, उपेक्षित, गावच्या वेशीबाहेर हुसकावून लावलेल्या समाजघटकांकडे वळवले. मिशनरींच्या सुदैवाने त्यावेळी तरी या लोकांना मिशनरींनी जवळ करण्याबाबत, त्यांच्या शैक्षणिक, आर्थिक आणि सामाजिक गरज पुरवण्याबाबत समाजातील पुढारलेल्या वर्गांचे काही एक आक्षेप नव्हते.

यानंतर अनेक मातंग आणि महार लोकांनी सामुदायिकरीत्या प्रभूच्या राज्यात प्रवेश केला. शिऊरचा भागोबा काळेखे हा मातंग जातीतला पहिलाच धर्मांतरीत होता. अहमदनगरच्या चर्चमध्ये भागोबाने पहिल्यांदा पाऊल ठेवले त्या क्षणाला त्या देवळात कमालीचे उत्साहाचे औत्सुकाचे वातावरण होते.

भागोबा पूर्वी तमासगीर होते. या पार्श्वभूमीमुळे त्यांनी मराठीत अनेक ख्रिस्ती गायने लिहिली. ख्रिस्ती धर्मातील अस्सल मराठी गायनांची रचना करण्याचा मान अशाप्रकारे भागोबा यांच्याकडे जातो.

या ख्रिस्ती धर्मात ब्राह्मण, धनगर, तेली, साळी, मराठा, मातंग, महार, कायस्थ प्रभू, आणि इतर कैक जातीजमातींचे लोक गुण्यागोविंदांचे नांदू लागले. `यमुनापर्यटन' ही मराठी भाषेतील पहिली कादंबरी लिहिणारे बाबा पद्मनजी हे कासार जातीचे. पंडिता रमाबाई, निळकंठशास्त्री नेहेम्या गोरे, मराठी पंचकविंमध्ये समावेश असणाऱे रेव्हरंड नारायण वामन टिळक वगैरे नामवंत मंडळी चित्पावन ब्राह्मण होती.. पुण्यात भर पेठवस्तीत म्हणजे कसबा पेठेत ब्रदर देशपांडे मेमोरियल चर्च आहे हे पहिल्यांदा ऐकले तेव्हा मलाही असाच धक्का बसला होता.

अशाप्रकारे ख्रिस्ती समाजात स्वतःला सारस्वत ब्राह्मण म्हणवून घेणारे लोक आहेत त्याचप्रमाणे रेड्डी ख्रिस्ती आहेत, अय्यंगार, नायर, नंबुद्रीपाद ख्रिस्ती आहेत आणि पुर्णो संगमा यांच्या कुटुंबासारखे ईशान्य भारतातील आदिवासीसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती आहेत.

कॅथोलिक बिशप्स कॉन्फरन्स ऑफ इंडिया या कॅथोलिक चर्चच्या धर्माधिकाऱ्यांच्या संघटनेची पुण्यात १९९२ साली बैठक झाली तेव्हा इंडियन एक्सप्रेसमध्ये आणि `लोकसत्ता’त पुर्ण पानभर जाहिरातीत देशातील या सर्व बिशपांचे नावांसहीत फोटो छापण्यात आले होते तेव्हा जातीजमाती दर्शवणाऱ्या नावांची ही यादी वाचून मला स्वतःला धक्काच बसला होता.

ईशान्य भारतातल्या काही राज्यांत ख्रिस्ती समाज बहुसंख्य आहेत आणि जवळजवळ सर्वच लोक आदिवासी आहेत आणि त्यांना अनुसूचित जमातींना लागू असणाऱ्या सर्व सुविधा आणि आरक्षण लागू आहेत.

विविध जतिजमातीतील लोकांनी आपल्या आधीच्या चालीरीती म्हणजे लग्नकार्य आणि इतर सांस्कृतिक प्रथापरंपरा ख्रिस्ती समाजातही आणल्या आहेत. उदाहरणार्थ लग्नकार्य म्हणजे रोटीबेटी व्यवहार, खाद्यसंस्कृती वगैरेवगैरे.

पूर्वाश्रमीच्या अस्पृश्य समाजातल्या ख्रिस्ती लोकांना अनुसूचित जातीच्या सवलती नसल्या तरी भारतातल्या आणि महाराष्ट्रातल्या विशेषतः खानदेश, पालघर जिल्हा वगैरे भागांतल्या सर्व आदिवासी ख्रिस्ती लोकांना अनुसूचित जमातीच्या सर्व सुविधा आणि आरक्षण लागू आहेत.

अशाप्रकारे उच्च वर्णीय ब्राह्मण, विविध तथाकथित ओबीसी समाजातील तसेच दलीत आणि आदिवासी अशा विविध जाती आणि जमातींचा देशातील आणि राज्यातील ख्रिस्ती समाजात समावेश होतो.

ख्रिस्ती समाजात अशाप्रकारे विविध जाती जमाती अगदी खुल्या स्वरूपात अस्तित्वात असल्या तरीसुद्धा ख्रिस्ती धर्मात मात्र जातीभेद नाही असे ठोसपणे म्हणता येते.

हे नंतर अगदी सविस्तरपणे पुढल्या पोस्टमध्ये…

Formation of Aurangabad Roman Catholic diocese Maharashtra

Formation of Aurangabad diocese  

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in the four-year-old Ghogargaon mission centre in November 1896 and breathed his last in the same village five decades later. From October 1915  to January 1922, he had been on deputation to Rahata in neighbouring Ahmednagar district. During his 50 years vocation as a missionary, Jacquirbaba took rest and visited his motherland only once -  from 1926 to 1928 - when he was forced to slow down his work on health grounds.       

Jacquierbaba worked tirelessly for 40 long years in Ghogargaon and Borsar mission centres. It was during this period that Christianity took deep roots in Aurangabad district. It is significant to note that the MSFS priests had been working in Amravati, Chikhaldhara, Akola, Kapustalani and other parts of the Vidarbha region during this period. However, due to various social, religious, political and economic factors, the work of these Catholic missionaries in most of the areas was almost wiped out by the time India gained Independence.

Fr Azarias D’Mello had taken charge of Ghogargaon in 1944. In January 1951, Fr John D’Souza was sent to be his assistant. In May 1951, Bro Ambrose came to help him. In May 1952, Fr Azarias D’Mello was transferred to Achalpur. Fr Olivet Vas took charge of Ghogargaon with Fr Edwin Alvares as assistant.

In 1948, the political situation in Nizam’s Hyderabad princely state became tense. India had gained independence from the British rulers on  August 15,1947. But the Nizam government in Hyderabad in Central India refused to join the Indian Union. Efforts for a peaceful settlement failed. Economic sanctions were imposed by the Indian government. According to the notes written by Fr Monteiro, the blockade paralysed the mission activities. As a result, catechists and masters were discharged and the children’s boardings were closed. At night fall, no one went outdoors. The missionaries also could not go out.

On September 14, 1948 began the Police Action against the Nizam state.  Action was taken against the Razakars, the special army of the Nizam. By September 18, the Hyderabad princely state was taken over by the Indian Government and peace was restored. The Police Action was planned by the then Union Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

 In the meantime, many of the discharged catechists had secured jobs in sugar factories and were not prepared to return to their work and their small pays. The Scheduled Castes Federation was very active and won many adherents form the converts, wrote Fr Joseph  Monteiro.

MSFS historian Fr Moget has dealt in details on the missionary activities and the number of baptisms given to local people in the Vidarbha region. However a glance at the statistics of the Catholic population in the present Nagpur, Amravati and Aurangabad dioceses reveals that some of the people converted to Christianity in the early 20^th century have embraced Buddhism along with other followers of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in the 1950s and 1960s.

The factors responsible for the spread of Christianity in Aurangabad district. its stunted growth or subsequent disappearance in some parts of the Marathwada  and also in the neighbouring Vidarbha region can be well illustrated with the parable on the seed of the Word of God narrated by Jesus Christ. The parable goes like this:

“A sower went out to sow his seed. And as he sowed, some fell by the wayside; and it was trampled down, and the birds of the air devoured it. Some fell on rock: and as soon as it sprang up, it withered away because it lacked moisture. And some fell among thorns, and the thorns sprang up and chocked it. But others fell on good ground, sprang up, and yielded a crop a hundredfold.” ¹

Even today, the number of Catholics in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district – the area where Fr Jacquier sowed the seeds of the Word of God – is far more conspicuous as compared to the rest parts of the Marathwada and for that matter, even the whole Vidarbha region. It would be incorrect to solely credit Jacquierbaba for this. But the fact remains this was the missionary who toiled for 40 years for the most downtrodden, the untouchable folks of these two talukas and preached the gospel to them. He was also the first social reformer in this rural area to spread  literacy among local population of mixed castes and religions. He had opened so many schools in villages under his Ghogargaon mission centre. He also tried to various social evil practices like untouchability, child marriages and bigamy.

It is difficult to believe that a great soul existed in this small village which remains obscure to this date. He tried his best to transform the lives of the whole population in this region. The large number of tales associated with this Mahatma, as told by people even today with much reverence to this missionary, are testimony of the great works carried out by Jacquierbaba in this region.      

Jacquirbaba traveled on horseback, in bullock cart or horse cart to various villages which now come under the jurisdiction of the present Ghogargaon, Borsar, Kannad, Vaijapur, Gangapur, Wahegaon parishes.

Fr Stephen Almeida is the present parish priest at the Christ the King in Ghogargaon, a post held for four decades by Jacquierbaba. Ironically Ghogargaon  village to this date remains inaccessible to the world in the absence of asphalted, motorable road. The church parish runs a primary, middle and higher secondary school in the village, attended by hundreds of Christian and non-Christian children from neighbouring villages. The Holy Cross sisters who run a dispensary in the village offer medical facilities to the rural populace here.    

When Fr Jacquier arrived from France to work in India, the then  Nagpur province was entrusted to his MSFS religious congregation. The Catholic Church has in the latter years bifurcated this giant province into the present Nagpur, Amravati, Chanda and Aurangabad (all in Maharashtra) Jabalpur, Khandwa, Raipur (Chhattisgarh) and Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh). Each of this diocese are headed by an archbishop or bishop.

During the past 100 years, the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales (MSFS) of which Jacquirbaba was a member preached Christianity in the then Central Province, Berar, and Marathwada. The MSFS congregation priests purchased land, built on them schools, churches, dispensaries and hostels for the girls and boys. Later the Catholic Church established new dioceses in these areas and the secular or the diocesan priests under the new bishops started working in this villages. In keeping with the Catholic Church tradition, subsequently the MSFS congregation took a back seat and handed over the huge real estates, schools, churches, hostels and other  establishments to the bishops, the heads of the newly created dioceses in the respective areas. 

Similar transfer also took place in the neighbouring  Ahmednagar district after the Nashik diocese was carved out of the Pune diocese in 1987. There, the Jesuits – members of the religious congregation Society of Jesus -  handed over the land and institutions to the new diocese and shifted their attention to work in the area where no one had trodden.  

This novel tradition of handing over ownership of real estate and reputed institutions to others exists only in the Catholic Church and there cannot be any other parallel to this custom.

The diocese of Aurangabad was erected by the Decree 'Qui Arcano' (No. 1139/78) dated December 1997. It comprises of eight revenue districts. Of these, Aurangabad, Jalna, Parbhani and Nanded were taken from the diocese of Amravati while Latur,  Beed and Osmanabad were detached from the archdiocese of Hyderabad. This entire region under the Aurangabad diocese constitutes a political unit named Marathwada in Maharashtra. Fr Dominic Abreo, a diocesan priest from Vasai in Thane district who had presided over the seventh Marathi Christian Sahitya Sammelan (literary meet) held in 1973 was appointed the first bishop of Aurangabad diocese. Bishop Edwin Colaco who was appointed as bishop of Amravati in 1995 has been bishop of Aurangabad diocese since 2007.    

As per the statistics provided by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), there are 16,000 Catholics in Aurangabad diocese.  As far as the Christian (Catholic and Protestants) population and the number of Church establishments are concerned, Aurangabad diocese is one of the most important dioceses in Maharashtra, next only to Mumbai, Pune and Nashik dioceses.

Aurangabad Catholic diocese has  22 parishes. There are 15 high schools, one higher secondary schools, 15 upper primary schools, 12 hospitals, nine hostels and five orphanages. ²

References:

1) Gospel according to St Mathew, 4:1-9,

2) Directory of Aurangabad Catholic Diocese, published by Bishop’s House, Aurangabad (2003)  

Dalit Christians in pre-independence era

Dalit Christians in pre-independence era

From  Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon

 (Catholic Mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892  onwards)

By Camil  Parkhe

published by SFS Publications, Bangalore 

            During the  last quarter of the 19th century and early 20^th century, many Dalit families from several villages in Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Nashik, Jalna and Amravati districts in Maharashtra embraced Christianity. Most of the families were from the Mahar and Mang castes which were then the untouchable communities. The upper caste people continued to regard them as untouchables even after the religious conversion and now called them  as  'Mahar Christians' or 'Mang Christians'. This practice continues even to this date in the rural areas of Maharashtra.

From the viewpoint of the upper caste community, the conversion of the untouchables to Christianity did not change their social status. Conversion did not allow them to move upward in the established social hierarchy. No one would touch them physically for fear of being defiled.  Even as members of the Hindu community, the untouchables were forbidden entry in Hindu temple. But at least now they could enter the church, their own temple. Nevertheless, there was no change in their daily plight as they continued their hereditary occupations like removal of cattle carcasses and begging for food in the village.

 In the pre-Independence days, one Iganti Salwe of Pune had written an article in Marathi monthly Niropya in which he had highlighted the sufferings of the untouchable Christian community and remarked that conversion had not brought any significant changes in the life of the Mahars.

            ‘Untouchability is not a religious but a social matter. However some people believe it has  religious sanction and treat the Mahars and other untouchables as slaves and force them to perform several dirty works. These untouchables are not allowed to know about their basic human rights. Hard labour works and even village night watchman duty were the only means to eke out a living.  Hindu religion practices such unjustified traditions.  In fact, it is a stain on humanity and such cruel practice was not justified by any other religious scriptures of the world.”

            Salwe further states; "By the grace of the Almighty, Christian political rulers have come to this country, followed by the Christian missionaries. Moved by the plight of the untouchables, they offered them a new religion, made them aware of their rights and tried to free them of their ancestral shackles of social slavery. To achieve this, they established many schools and other educational institutions for this community".

Under such circumstances, the lives of many Dalit Christians were dependent on the missionaries for a long time. Before the Independence, both Mahar and Mang Christians were victims of social injustice. The British rulers of that time, though Christians, did not contribute to the betterment of this underprivileged community. After the Independence, the Constitution of India made a provision for reservations or affirmative action to ensure upliftment of the Dalits. However the Dalit Christians continued to suffer  discrimination even in free India. While the reservations were made available to the Dalit Hindus, Dalit Buddhists and Dalit Sikhs, the Dalit Christians have been denied these facilities. ¹

Reference:

^{1) Camil Parkhe, ‘Dalit Christians: Right to reservations’, Published by Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (ISPCK), Post Box 1585, 1654 Madarasa Road, Kashmere Gate,  Delhi – 110 006 (2005)}

Dalit factor in Maharashtra civic polls

Sakal Times
October 18, 2011
Dalit factor in Maharashtra civic polls

Athavale has emerged the strongest Dalit leader in state
The process for preparing the voters lists for the forthcoming elections to the eight major municipal corporations in Maharashtra including Mumbai, Pune and Pimpri Chinchwad has began and all major political parties have also began the preliminary preparations to face the electorates. These elections to be held early 2012 would indeed be a rehearsal for the state assembly polls scheduled to be held in 2014. The civic polls are being held in the backdrop of the nationwide spontaneous protest on the issues of corruption and a stronger version of the Lokpal Bill. The protests which saw younger generation and even apolitical persons arriving on the streets to express their dissent over the issue of corruption is bound to be reflected in the outcome of the civic polls. Another new factor which is likely to swing the poll fortune is Dalit and Republican Party of India leader Ramdas Athavale crossing over the NCP-Congress boat to join the saffron alliance camp of the Shiv Sena and BJP. The ruling Congress-led Progressive Democratic Front in Maharashtra has strong reasons to be jittery over these two issues.
The current tempo on the Jan Lokpal Bill may not prevail when the electorate cast their votes for the civic polls six months later. Much to the delight of the Congress and its ruling partners, the Team Anna camp has already shown many signs of breaking up. By the time polls for Uttar Pradesh and other state assemblies are conducted, the heat generated over the Lokpal bill issue may be blown over but this will not be the case with the Dalit votes in Maharashtra. Athavale distanced himself away from his two-decades-old ally - the NCP - after his humiliating defeat in Shirdi reserved Lok Sabha seat and the NCP's refusal to rehabilitate him with a seat in Rajya Sabha and a berth in Union ministry. Athavale was peeved when his repeated efforts to win an entry into the UPA-I Government failed despite he going all out to appease Congress president Sonia Gandhi. His decision to breakaway from the secular front and ally with the right wing Shiv Sena although most shocking was therefore quite understandable.
Dalits are a formidable force in electoral battles in Maharashtra and their votes can swing the hustings outcome some or the other way. Fortunately for the non-Dalit political parties, Dalit votes have been split into several factions. The Republican Party of India came into existence after the demise of Dr Ambedkar and it has come to be recognised in Maharashtra as the political legacy of Dr Ambedkar. But the none of the Dalit leaders have been successful in politically uniting their community under this umbrella. Knowing the power of the Dalit votes, all political parties have tried woo to their camps leaders of various Dalit factions. The personality and thoughts of Dr Amebdkar has been a unifying factor for the Dalit community but their leaders' personal ambitions and designs of other political forces have kept the Dalit community divided and away from political power in Maharashtra for many years. It was Dr Dadasaheb Gaikwad, a close confidant of Dr Ambedkar, who first fell prey to the machination of non-Dalit politicians and left the Dalit plank in 1960s to become a Congress MP. Dadasaheb Rupawate was another Dalit leader to abandon the RPI banner to be a state minister in the Congress government. R S Gawai, present Kerala governor, who has always occupied some or the other elected or constitutional posts - be it chairman of the Maharashtra state legislative council or Rajya Sabha member – thanks to his proximity to the ruling Congress party notwithstanding the independent banner of his RPI faction.
The present generation of Dalit leaders, Athavale, Dr Ambedkar's grandson Prakash Ambedkar, Jogendra Kawade or Namdeo Dhasal have independently failed consolidate the Dalit votes. It has been proved time and again that the victory of the Dalit candidates is certain if all these leaders come under one banner. History was made Sharad Pawar of the Congress succeeded in forming an alliance with all these Dalit leaders in 1998 Lok Sabha polls and for the first time, Athavale, Kawade, Gavai and Ambedkar were elected to the Lok Sabha from reserved as well as general seats. Unity of the Dalit factions is a major threat both to the Congress-led and Shiv Sena-led fronts but this realisation has not forced the Dalit leaders to suppress their personal ambitions for the cause of the Dalit community.
Prakash Ambedkar has been consistent in shunning both the Congress and the saffron fronts but he has not been able to increase his influence beyond Akola district. He has not played any active role in increasing the influence of Bharatiya Republican Party- Bahujan Mahasangh all over the state. He has
the charisma associated with his surname but he has failed to exploit for his political good. Among all Dalit leaders in Maharashtra, it is only Athavale who had been in the corridors of power for nearly two decades, thanks to his association with Sharad Pawar. This has enabled him to emerge as the strongest Dalit leader in the state. His party has presence in various municipal corporations and councils in the state. The question is: How many Dalit voters will side with Athavale and vote for the saffron alliance. The Dalit community is certainly dismayed over the factionalisation of their votes and their marginalisation in political power. Both the Congress and the NCP have vied with each other in consolidating their Maratha votes while the BJP and Shiv Sena has in the recent past wooed the Other Backward Classes (OBCs). The Dalit votes, on the other hand, are divided among various parties, leading the community leaders nowhere. It is possible this realisation may lead to disillusioned Dalit voters to rally around Athavale – the only RPI faction leader who can pull maximum votes- no matter with which political party he decides to go along. Unlike the earlier Dalit leaders, Athavale has not sank the boat of his faction of the Republican Party of India and that stands his greatest advantage to attract those Dalits voters very conscious of their independent identity. This factor is likely to consolidate the Dalit votes in favour of Athavale's faction and prove beneficial for the saffron alliance. But if Athavale fails to win over the majority Dalit votes, that would put a question mark over the very existence of the united Dalits vote bank in the state.

Church stir for SC status to Dalit Christians, Muslims

Church stir on Aug 10 for SC status to Dalit Christians, Muslims


http://www.sakaaltimes.com/SakaalTimesBeta/20100809/5021517943918479316.htm


CAMIL PARKHE
Monday, August 09, 2010 AT 12:28 PM (IST)
Tags: Pune, Church, Christian, Muslim, CBCI, scheduled caste, Camil Parkhe
PUNE: Christians in the city will participate in a nationwide agitation on August 10 to demand Scheduled Caste (SC) status to Dalits belonging to Christian and Muslim religions.
The call for observing a nationwide black day on Tuesday has been given by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), the apex body of the Catholic Church in the country.
The black day will be observed to demand deletion of the paragraph 3 of the Presidential order on Constitution (Scheduled Caste) which said that ‘No person who professes a religion different from Hinduism shall be deemed to be a member of the Scheduled Caste’.
August 10 has been chosen the day for the stir as the Presidential order was issued on August 10, 1950. The Church has undertaken a signature drive to demand inclusion of the Dalit Christians and Muslims in the SC category. Signatures of the community members were collected during the masses at all the churches in Pune and Pimpri-Chinchwad on Saturday and Sunday.
The Church has planned to submit a memorandum to Pune district collector on Tuesday. Fr George D’Souza, vicar general of Pune diocese, has issued a letter to all churches in Pune diocese to seek mobilisation of support for the agitation. Fr D’Souza has asked all parish priests to send a two-member team from each church to meet the collector.
The nationwide agitation has been led by CBCI’s Commission for SC/ST and Backward Classes. Commission chairperson and Hyderabad Archbishop Marampudi Joji has addressed a letter to the church hierarchy in the country, soliciting their support for August 10 agitation.
The archbishop’s letter has said that in 1956 and 1990, Dalit Sikhs and Buddhists were included in the SC category and has argued that denial of this status to Dalit Christians and Muslims is discriminatory.

BLACK DAY
The CBCI has called for hoisting black flags on all churches and church institutions to condemn denial of the SC status to Dalit Christians and Muslims.

Christianity in Aurangabad diocese from 1892 onwards

"Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon
Catholic Mission in Aurangabad diocese (Maharashtra) - 1892 onwards"

By Camil Parkhe
Published by: SFS Publications,

PB No 5639

Rajajinagar, 1st Block,

Bangalore, 560 010



ISBN 81-85376-78-6

First edition 2009

Copyright : SFS Publications



29) Formation of Aurangabad diocese

(Christianity in Aurangabad diocese from 1892 onwards)

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in the four-year-old Ghogargaon mission centre in November 1896 and breathed his last in the same village five decades later. From October 1915 to January 1922, he had been on deputation to Rahata in neighbouring Ahmednagar district. During his 50 years vocation as a missionary, Jacquirbaba took rest and visited his motherland only once - from 1926 to 1928 - when he was forced to slow down his work on health grounds.

Jacquierbaba worked tirelessly for 40 long years in Ghogargaon and Borsar mission centres. It was during this period that Christianity took deep roots in Aurangabad district. It is significant to note that the MSFS priests had been working in Amravati, Chikhaldhara, Akola, Kapustalani and other parts of the Vidarbha region during this period. However, due to various social, religious, political and economic factors, the work of these Catholic missionaries in most of the areas was almost wiped out by the time India gained Independence.

Fr Azarias D’Mello had taken charge of Ghogargaon in 1944. In January 1951, Fr John D’Souza was sent to be his assistant. In May 1951, Bro Ambrose came to help him. In May 1952, Fr Azarias D’Mello was transferred to Achalpur. Fr Olivet Vas took charge of Ghogargaon with Fr Edwin Alvares as assistant.

In 1948, the political situation in Nizam’s Hyderabad princely state became tense. India had gained independence from the British rulers on August 15,1947. But the Nizam government in Hyderabad in Central India refused to join the Indian Union. Efforts for a peaceful settlement failed. Economic sanctions were imposed by the Indian government. According to the notes written by Fr Monteiro, the blockade paralysed the mission activities. As a result, catechists and masters were discharged and the children’s boardings were closed. At night fall, no one went outdoors. The missionaries also could not go out.

On September 14, 1948 began the Police Action against the Nizam state. Action was taken against the Razakars, the special army of the Nizam. By September 18, the Hyderabad princely state was taken over by the Indian Government and peace was restored. The Police Action was planned by the then Union Home Minister Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel.

In the meantime, many of the discharged catechists had secured jobs in sugar factories and were not prepared to return to their work and their small pays. The Scheduled Castes Federation was very active and won many adherents form the converts, wrote Fr Joseph Monteiro.

MSFS historian Fr Moget has dealt in details on the missionary activities and the number of baptisms given to local people in the Vidarbha region. However a glance at the statistics of the Catholic population in the present Nagpur, Amravati and Aurangabad dioceses reveals that some of the people converted to Christianity in the early 20th century have embraced Buddhism along with other followers of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar in the 1950s and 1960s.

The factors responsible for the spread of Christianity in Aurangabad district. its stunted growth or subsequent disappearance in some parts of the Marathwada and also in the neighbouring Vidarbha region can be well illustrated with the parable on the seed of the Word of God narrated by Jesus Christ. The parable goes like this:

“A sower went out to sow his seed. And as he sowed, some fell by the wayside; and it was trampled down, and the birds of the air devoured it. Some fell on rock: and as soon as it sprang up, it withered away because it lacked moisture. And some fell among thorns, and the thorns sprang up and chocked it. But others fell on good ground, sprang up, and yielded a crop a hundredfold.” 1

Even today, the number of Catholics in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district – the area where Fr Jacquier sowed the seeds of the Word of God – is far more conspicuous as compared to the rest parts of the Marathwada and for that matter, even the whole Vidarbha region. It would be incorrect to solely credit Jacquierbaba for this. But the fact remains this was the missionary who toiled for 40 years for the most downtrodden, the untouchable folks of these two talukas and preached the gospel to them. He was also the first social reformer in this rural area to spread literacy among local population of mixed castes and religions. He had opened so many schools in villages under his Ghogargaon mission centre. He also tried to various social evil practices like untouchability, child marriages and bigamy.

It is difficult to believe that a great soul existed in this small village which remains obscure to this date. He tried his best to transform the lives of the whole population in this region. The large number of tales associated with this Mahatma, as told by people even today with much reverence to this missionary, are testimony of the great works carried out by Jacquierbaba in this region.

Jacquirbaba traveled on horseback, in bullock cart or horse cart to various villages which now come under the jurisdiction of the present Ghogargaon, Borsar, Kannad, Vaijapur, Gangapur, Wahegaon parishes.

Fr Stephen Almeida is the present parish priest at the Christ the King in Ghogargaon, a post held for four decades by Jacquierbaba. Ironically Ghogargaon village to this date remains inaccessible to the world in the absence of asphalted, motorable road. The church parish runs a primary, middle and higher secondary school in the village, attended by hundreds of Christian and non-Christian children from neighbouring villages. The Holy Cross sisters who run a dispensary in the village offer medical facilities to the rural populace here.

When Fr Jacquier arrived from France to work in India, the then Nagpur province was entrusted to his MSFS religious congregation. The Catholic Church has in the latter years bifurcated this giant province into the present Nagpur, Amravati, Chanda and Aurangabad (all in Maharashtra) Jabalpur, Khandwa, Raipur (Chhattisgarh) and Bhopal (Madhya Pradesh). Each of this diocese are headed by an archbishop or bishop.

During the past 100 years, the Missionaries of St Francis de Sales (MSFS) of which Jacquirbaba was a member preached Christianity in the then Central Province, Berar, and Marathwada. The MSFS congregation priests purchased land, built on them schools, churches, dispensaries and hostels for the girls and boys. Later the Catholic Church established new dioceses in these areas and the secular or the diocesan priests under the new bishops started working in this villages. In keeping with the Catholic Church tradition, subsequently the MSFS congregation took a back seat and handed over the huge real estates, schools, churches, hostels and other establishments to the bishops, the heads of the newly created dioceses in the respective areas.

Similar transfer also took place in the neighbouring Ahmednagar district after the Nashik diocese was carved out of the Pune diocese in 1987. There, the Jesuits – members of the religious congregation Society of Jesus - handed over the land and institutions to the new diocese and shifted their attention to work in the area where no one had trodden.

This novel tradition of handing over ownership of real estate and reputed institutions to others exists only in the Catholic Church and there cannot be any other parallel to this custom.

The diocese of Aurangabad was erected by the Decree 'Qui Arcano' (No. 1139/78) dated December 1997. It comprises of eight revenue districts. Of these, Aurangabad, Jalna, Parbhani and Nanded were taken from the diocese of Amravati while Latur, Beed and Osmanabad were detached from the archdiocese of Hyderabad. This entire region under the Aurangabad diocese constitutes a political unit named Marathwada in Maharashtra. Fr Dominic Abreo, a diocesan priest from Vasai in Thane district who had presided over the seventh Marathi Christian Sahitya Sammelan (literary meet) held in 1973 was appointed the first bishop of Aurangabad diocese. 2 Bishop Edwin Colaco who was appointed as bishop of Amravati in 1995 has been bishop of Aurangabad diocese since 2007.

As per the statistics provided by the Catholic Bishops Conference of India (CBCI), there are 16,000 Catholics in Aurangabad diocese. As far as the Christian (Catholic and Protestants) population and the number of Church establishments are concerned, Aurangabad diocese is one of the most important dioceses in Maharashtra, next only to Mumbai, Pune and Nashik dioceses.

Aurangabad Catholic diocese has 22 parishes. There are 15 high schools, one higher secondary schools, 15 upper primary schools, 12 hospitals, nine hostels and five orphanages. 3







References:



1) Gospel according to St Mathew, 4:1-9,



2) The other former bishops of Aurangabad diocese are Bishop Ignatius D'Cunha (1989-98) and Bishop Sylvester Monteiro (1999-2005)





3) Directory of Aurangabad Catholic Diocese, published by Bishop’s House, Aurangabad (2003)

* * * * *

Jai Bhim Jai Khrist Unity of Dalit Christians and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar followers

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’

By Camil parkhe
Publisher: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi

ISBN 9788172149796




18. Solidarity of Jai Bhim and Jai Khrist
Unity of Dalit Christians and Dr Ambedkar followers


Renowned Marathi Christian poet Shahu Dagdoba Ujagare, had in 1929 dedicated his poetry entitled Nave Anjan to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar who fought against untouchability.1 It was the first conscious move on the part of a dalit Christian to establish and maintain close ties between the dalit Christians and the Ambedkarite movement.

Delivering the presidential address at the fifth Marathi Khristi Sahitya Sammelan held at De Nobili College in Pune in 1972, Satyavan Namdeo Suryawanshi, editor of Marathi weekly Aapan had strongly advocated that the dalits Christians should unite with other dalits and minority communities in the State. His ideology is important even today.

Suryawanshi gave the call for uniting all dalit forces at a time when the dalit movement in the State had just started making its presence felt. The established Marathi litterateurs and majority of the society had not recognised this separate rebellious ideology till then. Suryawanshi’s call came at a time when even the dalit community itself had not realised the potential of the movement. Significantly, Suryawanshi at that time was editor of a weekly, which was run by the Jesuits.

Suryawanshi enjoys a special place in Marathi literature and also in the dalit movement in Maharashtra. In the 1970s, a series of autobiographies by dalit writers created a major upheaval in Marathi literary circles as well as in the society. The autobiography of Suryawanshi – ‘Aga Je Kalpile Nahi’ (‘I had never even imagined this’) published in 1975, was the front-runner of these autobiographies. Suryawanshi had stated in this book that in his childhood, despite being a Christian, he was always treated by the high caste Hindus as a Mahar, an untouchable caste.

Unfortunately, Suryawanshi’s autobiography remained neglected for quite some time due to lack of effective marketing system. Veteran dalit writer and poet Daya Pawar’s autobiography ‘Baluta’ and P. E. Sonkamble’s autobiography ‘Athavaniche Pakshi’ were published subsequently in 1978 2 and became landmarks in Marathi literature.

In his presidential address at the Khristi sahitya sammelan, Suryawanshi had said, “In today’s democracy, a handful of Christians have absolutely no value. Even in a democratic set up, the government’s facilities and rights cannot be distributed evenly to all because every community thinks for itself and lives by protecting its own interests. Everyone is trying hard to gain a major share of cream for one’s own community, and gets maximum benefits with the help of majority votes in democracy. Due to this ‘Might is right ‘ situation, the sweet fruits of democracy are being enjoyed by majority communities and at the same time our poor community is merely watching it in bewilderment. All the minority communities also face a similar situation. However hard we may try and get our community organised and united, we would never be the rulers!. We would never be able to acquire the power to rule. If a dalit Christian writer is shrewd, intellectual and practical, he will realise mere uniting the Christian community would not yield any major benefits for the society. In a democratic set up, some social benefits can be secured only if the people are able to cause some kinds of nuisance to the government or the rulers, if they can cause terror or pose challenges on the basis of their solidarity. A handful and peace-loving Christians can never pose such challenges. Therefore, why should we waste our strength and intellect in running after mirage of securing and protecting welfare and interests of the Christian community?

Instead, let us mingle and be a part of the crowd of those who are helpless, dalit, distressed, ignored, weak and exploited. Let us share their misfortune, their pain, let us wipe out their tears, and while protecting their welfare, and while pleading for them, let us protect our welfare as well. Our interests and welfare are no different from them, nay, without them, we do not have any existence!

Sometimes, referring to my Aapan weekly, some of my friends ask me, ‘’You take up issues of Muslims, Buddhists, Harijans and tribals in your weekly very enthusiastically. But in comparison, you are less enthusiastic while fighting for the Christians’ issues, why is it so? Who will protect our interest? Who will fight for us Christians? Who will plead for us?’’ I reply to my friends, “Our interests are not different from the interests of the sad, exploited and the dalits. One who pleads for these people also pleads for the Christians. Because, I perceive Lord Jesus in every sad person. If some one is making a false and unjust propaganda against the Muslims, he is doing the same against the Christ and defaming Him. If Buddhist women are stripped, I feel my sisters Martha and Maria have been molested.3

Christians as well as some others from my native town Shrirampur were astonished when they saw a photograph of Dr. Ambedkar prominently placed at the local Catholic parish priest’s office. Most of the people are under the impression that they should keep themselves away from the Ambedkarite movement if they are Christians. Marathi writer Avinash Dolas has described this mentality of dalit Christians in following words: “Members of this community find themselves in a fix. On one hand , they looked at Christ for the heavenly abode and on the other hand, there was Dr Ambedkar who could solve their worldly problems and help them to lead life on this earth. The dalit Christian community was caught in a dilemma. Will they, as Christians, be able to march on the streets, shouting slogans of Jai Bhim? Can they, even after remaining true Christians, become Ambedkarites and return the salute of Jai Bhim of the Amberkarite brigade? 4

It was Rev. Arvind Nirmal who succeeded in solving the predicament faced by the dalit Christians in Maharashtra. Rev Nirmal, an authority on Christian theology, declared that the dalit Christians can retain their umbilical cord with the Ambedkarite movement while still practicing Christianity. Rev Nirmal who is credited with bringing in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra motivated many dalit Christian writers and social activists to be a part of the Ambedkarite movement.

Rev Nirmal was a student of Milind College, one of the institutions founded by Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. He had the fortune to see Dr. Ambedkar from a very close quarter. While in Chennai, he started Christian Dalit Liberation Movement (CDML) . He has edited a book, entitled ‘Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, a centenary tribute’.

One of the major contribution of Rev Nirmal is starting the tradition of holding separate dalit Christians’ sahitya sammelans, Until his death in 1995, he took the initiative to hold the annual sammelans for consecutive four years. Until Rev Nirmal established this rebellious path in literary circle, the dalit Christians considered themselves as a part of the `main stream’ literary circles although their existence was not even acknowledged there. Rev Nirmal himself presided over the first and third dalit Christian sahitya sammelans held at Ahmednagar in 1991 and at Lonavala in1994. The presidents of other sahitya sammelans were S N Suryawanshi (Jalna, 1993), Devdatta Husale (Ahmednagar 1995), Bishop Pradeep Kamble (Pune 2001) and Rev Subhash Chandorikar (Sangamner 2004).

On behalf of ‘ Sugava’ magazine of Vilas Wagh and Usha Wagh, and also on behalf of ‘Christian Dalit Liberation Movement’ (CDML), a seminar was organised in Aurangabad some fifteen years ago. Along with Shantaram Pandere, Sharad Patil and Avinash Dolas literary personalities and leaders from Christian community like, Rev. Nirmal, Anil Dahivadkar, Sunil Adhav also had participated. 5 The organiser Rev. Nirmal had tried to take Marathi Christian community to Dr. Ambedkar’s movement through this seminar.

After the death of Rev Nirmal, Dr Gilbert G Londhe, Rev Chandorikar and Vasant Mhaske have kept up dalit Christians’ movement in Maharashtra alive.

Well-known Marathi author Devdatta Husale has succeeded well in maintaining the ties between dalit Christians and the Ambedkarite movement. Well known for rural literature, Husale has commented on the situation of the dalit Christians often in a terse manner.

Delivering the presidential address of the 19th Marathi sahitya sammelan, at Ahmednagar in 2001, Husale said, “Instead of praying ten times and living in constant fear, the dalit Christians should just erect a memorial ( of Dr Ambedkar) and then not a single organisation will ever have the courage to challenge the Christian locality. In any case, do we not attend birth and death anniversaries of people who have never come to the rescue of Christians? We will definitely have the solid backing of our own Buddhist brothers if we give them call at any time. If we participate in Dr Ambedkar’s birth anniversary celebrations and if the Buddhists attend the Christmas celebrations, the unity of the two communities will have the desired effect.“

The large number of dalit Christians from Marathwada region, from Pune, Nashik, Jalna, Latur and Ahmednagar districts and the migrants to Bombay should serve as a natural vote bank to various factions of the Republican Party of India (RPI) and its alliances. The dalits in Maharashtra originating from the same castes, roots and after living together for ages in villages have now got divided into three religions, Hindu dalits, neo Buddhists and the dalit Christians. Fortunately, they have never got separated geographically and psychologically. It is a fact that the neo-Buddhists have progressed more than the dalit Christians due to the availability of reservations and other concessions.

The social and political leaders of both these communities have not realised that the interests of the people would be served better if these communities remained united politically. These leaders are yet to realise that their social, economical, educational and political problems may have a common answer in spite of their different religious streams, as the root of these communities is one and the same.

During my first meeting with Vilas Wagh of Sugava Publication, he asked me whether I was in any way connected to the movement of the dalit community. Wagh, who is a prominent leader of the dalit movement in Maharashtra, said. “Dalit Christians must maintain strong ties with the Ambedkarite movement,’’ adding “though the two communities follow different religions, their original root and community is the same, their problems also are similar. Therefore, the two communities must stay together in their struggle.” .

Dalit Christians belonging to the older generations greet each other, saying ‘Jai Khrist.’ People from the Ambedkarite movement have the tradition of greeting each other with the ‘Jai Bhim’ slogan. When a dalit Christian participates in Ambedkarite movement, it cannot be considered as being disloyal to his religion. Therefore, he may well greet a fellow dalit from the Ambedkarite movement with salutation, ‘Jai Bhim’.



References:



1.Sunil Adhav –‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha’ (page 409)

2.Dr. Vasudeo Mulate ’Dalitanchi Atmakathane : Sankalpana Va Swaroop’, Swaroop Prakashan, ‘Akshar’, 858, Sahyadri nagar,n-5(south) CIDCO, Aurangabad,431003, 2nd edition April2003(pages 25, 26)

3.Sunil Adhav – Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha (page187)

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandarbh, Sugava Prakashan, Pune, first edition 1995 (page 47)

5.Avinash Dolas, As above (page 45)

6.Sunil Adhav – Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakateel Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane Va Tyavareel Samiksha’ (page 410)

7.As above (page 344)

The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’

By Camil parkhe

Publisher: Indian Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, New Delhi


4. The Church’s stance on untouchability, casteism


Even though untouchability and casteism had been practiced for several centuries among the Christian communities in south India, the Church hierarchy avoided either dissuading the people from following these practices or taking action against those perpetuating these social evils. The British rulers in India had taken a lesson from the war of independence of 1857 and to continue their rule decided not to interfere in the religious matters of India. Even before the arrival of the British in India, Robert De Nobili and other European missionaries had adopted a similar view in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries in Madurai and Tiruchirapally.

The European missionaries did not believe in the practice of untouchability. However they realised that the converts faced the risk of ex-communication from their own community if they gave up practices of casteism and untouchability after embracing Christianity. So the missionaries decided to go slow in the matter. As a result, inhuman practices like untouchability could take roots in the south Indian Christian communities and continued to flourish for many years even after Independence.

Missionaries connive at casteism, untouchability

In Madurai and other areas of southern India, during Robert De Nobili’s time, many Brahmins embraced Christianity. However, the high caste Hindus coming into Christianity meant closing the doors of Christianity to the low caste and untouchable communities. The missionaries faced a difficult dilemma- whether to choose high castes or low castes for their missionary work. If they selected one caste, it was certain that the other would turn its back on them. The missionaries did not want to lose either of the two. Therefore depending on the possibilities at different places at different times, they baptised people from both the communities and bought them to Christ.

The missionaries permitted the converts to continue observing social customs like untouchability, casteism, strictly vegetarian diet in case of the Brahmins and non-vegetarianism of the lower castes, etc. The missionaries presumed that having learnt the tenets of Christianity, over a period of time the converts would give up untouchability and casteism. This proved wrong.

The native high caste missionaries may have found nothing amiss in all this. As a result, the walls of casteism continued to separate the Indian Christians from each other for nearly four centuries after they gave up Hinduism. Till the twentieth century, the erstwhile high caste Christians continued to be vegetarians and no inter-caste marriages took place within the Christian community.

Cyril Bruce Firth says- “On the whole, the Roman Catholic Church did not directly address the problem of casteism. It was assumed that casteism is an inevitable social aspect of life in India, therefore it was permitted to have social strata as per caste in the Christian community. Still, due to education, casteism was curtailed. It condemned the extreme casteism in the form of untouchability and hoped that unity will slowly grow in the society.”1

‘Dalit is dignified’

The dalit converts to Christianity were initially referred to by the Catholic Church. as ‘Christians of Scheduled Caste Origin (CSCO). This term was frequently used since the First National Convention of Christian leaders held in Bangalore in 1978. After the 1970s and in the 1980s, the term ‘dalit Christians’ was accepted in the Christian circles of south India. Like the famous phrase- ‘black is beautiful’, the phrase, ’dalit is dignified’ found acceptance with the Dalit Christian Liberation Movement which began to take strong roots in south India after the mid 1980s.



The term ‘dalit Christian’ had led to greater awareness among the dalit Protestant Christians as early as 1970s. The national conference of All India Catholic Union (AICU) held in 1989 passed a resolution formalising the use of ‘dalit Christians’ in reference to the Scheduled Caste Christians. This very conference also dedicated the 1990s as the ‘decade of the dalit Christians’.2

The issue of discrimination towards the dalits in churches and across the Christian community was discussed for the first time at the meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India (CBCI) held at Bangalore in 1969.3 Thereafter, the CBCI has made substantial efforts to remove casteism within the Christian community and to secure reservations and other concessions for the dalit Christians.

The general body meeting of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of India held in Goa in 1986 appointed a commission under the chairmanship of Bishop Cheriankunnel to take up the cause of Scheduled Castes, Tribes and Backward Classes. 3



References:

1.Firth, Cyril Bruce ‘Hindi Khristi Mandalicha Itihas’, translator- Ratnakar Hari Kelkar, (Page 301).

2.L. Stanislaus, ‘The Liberative Mission of the Church among Dalit Christians’, (Page 44).

3.As above, page 117

4.as above, page 117

Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’   By Camil Parkhe
Published by Indian Society for Promotion of  Christian Knowledge, New Delhi
3. Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

In Maharashtra, untouchability and casteism are not observed on a large scale among the Christians. The main reason being that the majority of the converted are from erstwhile untouchable castes. Thus there is no untouchability as seen in southern India. However this has no relation to rapid urbanisation and modernisation in the State. In Maharashtra, majority of the converted Christians came from the untouchable Mahar caste. In some parts of Marathwada region, people belonging to the Mang community, another erstwhile untouchable caste, were also converted.

Although high caste persons like Neelkanthashastri `Nehemya’ Gore, Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, Rev, Narayan Waman Tilak, Laxmibai Tilak and others became Protestant Christians, it is rather strange that not a single high caste person was attracted to the Catholic sect, which is in majority among the Christians the world over. Of course, there are some historical reasons for the same. In nineteenth century Maharashtra as Western culture stepped in and Christian philosophy began influencing great reformists like Mahatma Phule, and Prarthana Samajist R G Bhandarkar, the work of Catholic priests had not even started in the State except in Mumbai and Vasai.

`In his book ‘ Khristi Dharma’, G. V. Ketkar, noted scholar and the former editor of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Marathi daily Kesari, has stated,” Indian Christians are part of our race, language and blood. India is as much their nation as is ours. Excommunicating them after conversion to Christianity is a dangerous custom for Hindus. Indian Christians and the nation as well must give a fervent thought to the problems and sorrows of the Indian Christians.”1

Of course, this remark had a reference to persons like, Rev. Tilak, his wife and veteran writer Laxmibai Tilak, Narayan Sheshadri, Rev. Neelkanthshastri ‘Nehemiah’ Gore, and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati who were converted to Christianity from high castes. As the majority of the Marathi Christians were converted from untouchable castes, there was no question of excommunicating them further. These people who were already among the lowest strata, could not have been pushed further down the rigid Hindu caste hierarchy.

Compared to the Catholics, the Protestants had taken a lead in missionary work in the areas surrounding Pune, Ahmednagar and Kolhapur in western Maharashtra. Among the Protestants the erstwhile high caste persons were very few and some of them excelled in various fields. The others in this sect were erstwhile dalits and were in majority. The Catholic missionaries who came much later had to restrict their work to dalit communities.2

Christian Missionaries challenge casteism, untouchability

Towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Jesuit priests (members of the religious organisation Society of Jesus (S J ) started missionary work in the Ahmednagar district. Initially, Fr Otto Weishaupt, a German priest, started separate schools for the touchable and untouchable castes in the Kendal area near Rahuri. However, later settling at nearby Sangamner and considering the hostile view of high caste people towards Christianity, he decided to challenge the inhuman practices of casteism and untouchability and opened a common school there for all religions and castes. Fr Dr. Christopher Shelke who had authored the history of Christian missionaries in Ahmednagar district has noted this.3 Later other missionaries too discarded the practices of casteism and untouchability and did not accept these ideas in their missionary work among the locals. Considering the situation then, this was certainly a bold decision. This helped counseling among high and low caste people in the district.

In Ahmednagar district, initially low caste people from Mahar, Mang, Bhil and Dhanagar communities got converted to Christianity. When Catholic and Protestant sects started missionary work in this district, the casteism in Hindu religion showed its influence. Even among the so-called untouchables and low castes, each community considered itself superior to the other and therefore, refused to have any interaction with the other `low’ caste people. Thus, the dalit Christians belonging to the Mahar caste refused to have matrimonial or any kinds of social alliances with the dalit Christians belonging to the Mang caste. The situation has not improved even in this twenty first century. In his book ‘Ambedkari Chalwal : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Avinash Dolas has rightly commented : “These people who wanted to demolish casteism introduced casteism into Christianity.4

The foreign missionaries belonging to both Catholic and Protestant missions wanted to teach equality to a society, where casteism was deep-rooted. They concentrated on a particular caste and community though it was not their intention to preach the gospel to a particular community. They were compelled to do so due to the prevailing caste system in Hindu society. During the time of Robert De Nobili in the seventeenth century, the missionary work was done among the Brahmin community. As a result, the possibility of untouchable communities being kept away from Christianity arose. Similarly, in Maharashtra, if untouchables were to be welcomed into Christianity, it was certain that the high caste Marathas would stay away. In such a situation, the foreign missionaries selected to work among those sections of society where they would be most effective.

Mahars and Mangs were the two untouchable castes from which people accepted either Catholic or Protestant beliefs, and hence, even after conversion they could retain their homogeneity. Dr. Shelke has noted that Catholic priests initially, i.e. towards the end of nineteenth century, converted people from communities like Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars, Bhils and so on in the areas of Kendal and Sangamner.5 In a particular area, across several villages, a majority of families from the same caste got converted into Christianity. Therefore the danger of being excommunicated was averted. The original caste being the same, even after conversion these societies remained homogeneous, and as such the problems like excommunication or ban on marriages did not arise. Since their caste background was the same there was no question of untouchability or casteism among them.

Had there been missionary work across the caste spectrum from upper castes to intermediate castes like Brahmins, Marathas, Malis etc. then there would have been problem of casteism among the Maharashtrian Christians as was observed earlier among the Christians in southern India.

Ajit Lokhande, an India-born Christian researcher based in Germany, has been rather forthright in stating that in a way it was good that the high caste people from Western Maharashtra and Marathwada did not adopt Christianity. “The Mahars, not the caste Hindus, were chosen and blessed with open heart to the word of God. The missionaries never succeeded in entering the realm of caste Hindus. Was it good? Not good? It is difficult to say. Perhaps it was good so. Or else we would have had the skirmishes between castes within the Catholic Church as we see in Tamil Nadu or in Andhra Pradesh. Perhaps we would have experienced differences in the church something like Rites disputes in Kerala. Or even like the silent caste discrimination among the traditional Goan Catholics, which comes to surface on certain occasions. The practice of equality among the children of God is not to be taken for granted in the Catholic Church.’’6 Although, all children of God are equal as per the principle accepted by the Catholic society, it is not necessary that this would be implemented in practice.

The people who embraced Buddhism along with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar comprised mainly Mahars, therefore casteism could not prevail in the neo-Buddhist community. While there were no caste conflicts among dalit Christians in Maharashtra, it cannot be denied that differences over sects surfaced after the conversions. But compared to the Catholics, the number of Protestants is low in Maharashtra, and hence the differences among these sects have not surfaced in the open.

The Catholic and Protestant missionaries, who did not believe in casteism, however, did not oppose untouchability and other caste practices in the Christian community of Southern India for three to four centuries. Had they opposed this wicked practice then, there was a danger of the high caste communities drifting away from Christian religion. Since, there was no awareness in the Christian community itself about this aspect, casteism continued openly for several centuries in Southern India and by stealth in Vasai and Goa.

If efforts are made to bring together the dalits and high castes, or for that matter any other castes and sub castes, for whatever reasons, those who consider themselves high castes do not turn up; this was the experience of the great social reformer Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde in Maharashtra of the twentieth century.

Maharshi Shinde says in his book ’Bharatiya Asprusshatecha Prashna’: “The three supposedly untouchable castes of Mahars, Chambhars and Mangs did not see eye to eye when we opened schools for helping the destitute. Initially nobody used to come. Later Mahars started coming. But due to this very reason and the suspicion that our mission was to bring them all- Mahars Chambhars and Mangs- at par, the Chambhars (who despite being low castes considered themselves superior to Mahars and Mangs) stopped coming. How the already oppressed castes fail to take advantage of effort put in by well wishers due to the prevalent casteism is clear from the statistical data collected by the Depressed Classes Mission of the last five years. It establishes that the Chambars refuse to sit along with Mahars and Mangs and thus prefer not to take advantage of our mission and prefer to forgo the Mission’s benefits.”7

In the post-independence days an organised opposition to casteism started both within the Christian community and the churches. Catholic and Protestant priests started supporting the rights of dalit Christians both within the community and outside.

That castes continue to rule the lives of Indians has been proved time and again by their exclusive food habits, birth and marriage customs. The restrictions on food habits may be fast disappearing in the era of globalistion, but when it comes to marriages even among the ever-increasing tribe of migrants to the West, each detail of the caste and sub caste is looked into.

It is no different back home when it comes to the Maharashtrian Christian families. While looking for a marriage alliance, they look for people in their native places like Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Latur, and Nashik and Kolhapur districts. For a marriage alliance they would not consider friends or brother Christians from Goa, Kerala, Mangalore or Tamil Nadu. There is no denying the fact. Therefore, Prof. Devdatta Husale has posed a question in his lecture, as the president of the fourth ‘Dalit Christian Marathi Sahitya Sammelan’, “ Why these hypocritical Christians who say caste becomes immaterial or non-existent after conversion, rush to Ahmednagar, Jalna and Kolhapur for marriage alliances? Why do they look at their place of origin? This implies that Christians still look for their original caste. How long can this fact be suppressed?” 8

In India, any person from Hindu tradition, on conversion to Christianity, Buddhism or Islam, cannot get rid of his original caste. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar however said this is the folly of the Indian tradition. While answering the question ‘ Why conversion?’ he said, “ It is argued by Hindus that there is no point in resorting to conversion to avoid casteism, since casteism prevails in Christianity and Islam as well. Unfortunately, the fact is casteism has entered other communities too. But this has originated from Hinduism and has spread everywhere. Although there is casteism among Christians and Muslims, it is different from casteism within Hinduism. There may be casteism among Christian and Islamic communities, but it is not the main aspect of their society. When asked ‘ Who are you?’ if somebody answers ‘I am a Christian’ or ‘I am a Muslim’, the answer is adequate and satisfying. It is not necessary to ask ’What is your caste?’ The origin of casteism in Hinduism is the religion itself. Casteism in Muslim and Christian communities has no bearing on the respective religions. If Hindus ever decide to dissolve casteism, then the religion itself will pose an obstacle. But, if Christians and Muslims decide to end the practice of casteism, their religion will not be an obstacle.9

Conversion is a revolt against Chaturvana, exploitation: Rev Nirmal

Rev. Arvind Nirmal who is credited with ushering in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra, says –‘Conversion is not the solution to all the problems arising out of being a dalit. But the act of our conversion to Christianity is our revolt against Hinduism, the religion that created dalitatva, the religion that created the Chaturvarna system and exploited us socially, economically and politically in the name of religion and imposed on us life equivalent to the animals. This religion did not allow us to lead a life of human being. Therefore, through our act of conversion, we have turned down Hinduism and revolted against it. It is immaterial whether conversion wipes out dalitatva but I feel the ‘rejections’, ‘protests’, and ‘revolts’ expressed through conversion are much more important. 10

References: -

1.Gajanan Vishwanath Ketkar, ‘ Khristi Dharma ‘, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth Suvarna Mahotsav Granth : 4, first edition 1969 (Page 231)

2.Felix Alfred Plattner, ‘ The Catholic Church in India, Yesterday and Today’, St. Paul Publications, 28-B, Chatham Lines, Allahabad – 2. Uttar Pradesh, 1984 (Pages 147 to 153).

3.Fr (Dr) Christopher Shelke, History of the missionary work in Ahmednagar district published in ‘ Niropya’ Marathi monthly in 1977, 1978, and 1979 issues, monthly edited and published by Fr Prabhudhar, Rosary Church, Ajra, Kolhapur district

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘ Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Sugava Prakashan Pune, first edition1995, (page 47)

5.Dr Christopher Shelke, ‘Niropya’ Marathi monthly, January 1978, (pages 9 and 10),

6.Ajit Lokhande, ‘Pune Jesuit Mission and Catechists in Ahmednagar District:’ A research paper presented at the conference held to commemorate the arrival of German Jesuits on the west coast of India (1854-2004), Pune 2005 (Unpublished)

7.Vitthal Ramji Shinde, ‘Bharatiya Asprushyatecha Prashna’, Koushalya Prakashan edition , N- 11, C-3/24/3, Hudco, Aurangabad, 431 003, 2003 (Page 136).

8.Sunil Adhav, ‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya  Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ – Khristi Sahitya Sammelan (Prabandha Sangraha) Maharashtra Khristi Sahitya Parishad 1972, (Page 346)

9.Dr. Bhalchandra Dinkar Phadke (edited) ‘ Dr. Ambedkaranche Samajchintan’, Majestic Prakashan, and Marathi Tatwadnyan Mahakosh Mandal, first edition, May 1989 (Page 105, 106).

10.Sunil Adhav, ‘‘ Dharma Christacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ (Page 310)