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Monday, February 8, 2010

Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

‘Dalit Christians: Right to Reservations’   By Camil Parkhe
Published by Indian Society for Promotion of  Christian Knowledge, New Delhi
3. Untouchability, casteism among Christians in Maharashtra

In Maharashtra, untouchability and casteism are not observed on a large scale among the Christians. The main reason being that the majority of the converted are from erstwhile untouchable castes. Thus there is no untouchability as seen in southern India. However this has no relation to rapid urbanisation and modernisation in the State. In Maharashtra, majority of the converted Christians came from the untouchable Mahar caste. In some parts of Marathwada region, people belonging to the Mang community, another erstwhile untouchable caste, were also converted.

Although high caste persons like Neelkanthashastri `Nehemya’ Gore, Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, Rev, Narayan Waman Tilak, Laxmibai Tilak and others became Protestant Christians, it is rather strange that not a single high caste person was attracted to the Catholic sect, which is in majority among the Christians the world over. Of course, there are some historical reasons for the same. In nineteenth century Maharashtra as Western culture stepped in and Christian philosophy began influencing great reformists like Mahatma Phule, and Prarthana Samajist R G Bhandarkar, the work of Catholic priests had not even started in the State except in Mumbai and Vasai.

`In his book ‘ Khristi Dharma’, G. V. Ketkar, noted scholar and the former editor of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak’s Marathi daily Kesari, has stated,” Indian Christians are part of our race, language and blood. India is as much their nation as is ours. Excommunicating them after conversion to Christianity is a dangerous custom for Hindus. Indian Christians and the nation as well must give a fervent thought to the problems and sorrows of the Indian Christians.”1

Of course, this remark had a reference to persons like, Rev. Tilak, his wife and veteran writer Laxmibai Tilak, Narayan Sheshadri, Rev. Neelkanthshastri ‘Nehemiah’ Gore, and Pandita Ramabai Saraswati who were converted to Christianity from high castes. As the majority of the Marathi Christians were converted from untouchable castes, there was no question of excommunicating them further. These people who were already among the lowest strata, could not have been pushed further down the rigid Hindu caste hierarchy.

Compared to the Catholics, the Protestants had taken a lead in missionary work in the areas surrounding Pune, Ahmednagar and Kolhapur in western Maharashtra. Among the Protestants the erstwhile high caste persons were very few and some of them excelled in various fields. The others in this sect were erstwhile dalits and were in majority. The Catholic missionaries who came much later had to restrict their work to dalit communities.2

Christian Missionaries challenge casteism, untouchability

Towards the last quarter of the nineteenth century, the Jesuit priests (members of the religious organisation Society of Jesus (S J ) started missionary work in the Ahmednagar district. Initially, Fr Otto Weishaupt, a German priest, started separate schools for the touchable and untouchable castes in the Kendal area near Rahuri. However, later settling at nearby Sangamner and considering the hostile view of high caste people towards Christianity, he decided to challenge the inhuman practices of casteism and untouchability and opened a common school there for all religions and castes. Fr Dr. Christopher Shelke who had authored the history of Christian missionaries in Ahmednagar district has noted this.3 Later other missionaries too discarded the practices of casteism and untouchability and did not accept these ideas in their missionary work among the locals. Considering the situation then, this was certainly a bold decision. This helped counseling among high and low caste people in the district.

In Ahmednagar district, initially low caste people from Mahar, Mang, Bhil and Dhanagar communities got converted to Christianity. When Catholic and Protestant sects started missionary work in this district, the casteism in Hindu religion showed its influence. Even among the so-called untouchables and low castes, each community considered itself superior to the other and therefore, refused to have any interaction with the other `low’ caste people. Thus, the dalit Christians belonging to the Mahar caste refused to have matrimonial or any kinds of social alliances with the dalit Christians belonging to the Mang caste. The situation has not improved even in this twenty first century. In his book ‘Ambedkari Chalwal : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Avinash Dolas has rightly commented : “These people who wanted to demolish casteism introduced casteism into Christianity.4

The foreign missionaries belonging to both Catholic and Protestant missions wanted to teach equality to a society, where casteism was deep-rooted. They concentrated on a particular caste and community though it was not their intention to preach the gospel to a particular community. They were compelled to do so due to the prevailing caste system in Hindu society. During the time of Robert De Nobili in the seventeenth century, the missionary work was done among the Brahmin community. As a result, the possibility of untouchable communities being kept away from Christianity arose. Similarly, in Maharashtra, if untouchables were to be welcomed into Christianity, it was certain that the high caste Marathas would stay away. In such a situation, the foreign missionaries selected to work among those sections of society where they would be most effective.

Mahars and Mangs were the two untouchable castes from which people accepted either Catholic or Protestant beliefs, and hence, even after conversion they could retain their homogeneity. Dr. Shelke has noted that Catholic priests initially, i.e. towards the end of nineteenth century, converted people from communities like Mahars, Mangs, Chambhars, Bhils and so on in the areas of Kendal and Sangamner.5 In a particular area, across several villages, a majority of families from the same caste got converted into Christianity. Therefore the danger of being excommunicated was averted. The original caste being the same, even after conversion these societies remained homogeneous, and as such the problems like excommunication or ban on marriages did not arise. Since their caste background was the same there was no question of untouchability or casteism among them.

Had there been missionary work across the caste spectrum from upper castes to intermediate castes like Brahmins, Marathas, Malis etc. then there would have been problem of casteism among the Maharashtrian Christians as was observed earlier among the Christians in southern India.

Ajit Lokhande, an India-born Christian researcher based in Germany, has been rather forthright in stating that in a way it was good that the high caste people from Western Maharashtra and Marathwada did not adopt Christianity. “The Mahars, not the caste Hindus, were chosen and blessed with open heart to the word of God. The missionaries never succeeded in entering the realm of caste Hindus. Was it good? Not good? It is difficult to say. Perhaps it was good so. Or else we would have had the skirmishes between castes within the Catholic Church as we see in Tamil Nadu or in Andhra Pradesh. Perhaps we would have experienced differences in the church something like Rites disputes in Kerala. Or even like the silent caste discrimination among the traditional Goan Catholics, which comes to surface on certain occasions. The practice of equality among the children of God is not to be taken for granted in the Catholic Church.’’6 Although, all children of God are equal as per the principle accepted by the Catholic society, it is not necessary that this would be implemented in practice.

The people who embraced Buddhism along with Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar comprised mainly Mahars, therefore casteism could not prevail in the neo-Buddhist community. While there were no caste conflicts among dalit Christians in Maharashtra, it cannot be denied that differences over sects surfaced after the conversions. But compared to the Catholics, the number of Protestants is low in Maharashtra, and hence the differences among these sects have not surfaced in the open.

The Catholic and Protestant missionaries, who did not believe in casteism, however, did not oppose untouchability and other caste practices in the Christian community of Southern India for three to four centuries. Had they opposed this wicked practice then, there was a danger of the high caste communities drifting away from Christian religion. Since, there was no awareness in the Christian community itself about this aspect, casteism continued openly for several centuries in Southern India and by stealth in Vasai and Goa.

If efforts are made to bring together the dalits and high castes, or for that matter any other castes and sub castes, for whatever reasons, those who consider themselves high castes do not turn up; this was the experience of the great social reformer Maharshi Vitthal Ramji Shinde in Maharashtra of the twentieth century.

Maharshi Shinde says in his book ’Bharatiya Asprusshatecha Prashna’: “The three supposedly untouchable castes of Mahars, Chambhars and Mangs did not see eye to eye when we opened schools for helping the destitute. Initially nobody used to come. Later Mahars started coming. But due to this very reason and the suspicion that our mission was to bring them all- Mahars Chambhars and Mangs- at par, the Chambhars (who despite being low castes considered themselves superior to Mahars and Mangs) stopped coming. How the already oppressed castes fail to take advantage of effort put in by well wishers due to the prevalent casteism is clear from the statistical data collected by the Depressed Classes Mission of the last five years. It establishes that the Chambars refuse to sit along with Mahars and Mangs and thus prefer not to take advantage of our mission and prefer to forgo the Mission’s benefits.”7

In the post-independence days an organised opposition to casteism started both within the Christian community and the churches. Catholic and Protestant priests started supporting the rights of dalit Christians both within the community and outside.

That castes continue to rule the lives of Indians has been proved time and again by their exclusive food habits, birth and marriage customs. The restrictions on food habits may be fast disappearing in the era of globalistion, but when it comes to marriages even among the ever-increasing tribe of migrants to the West, each detail of the caste and sub caste is looked into.

It is no different back home when it comes to the Maharashtrian Christian families. While looking for a marriage alliance, they look for people in their native places like Ahmednagar, Aurangabad, Latur, and Nashik and Kolhapur districts. For a marriage alliance they would not consider friends or brother Christians from Goa, Kerala, Mangalore or Tamil Nadu. There is no denying the fact. Therefore, Prof. Devdatta Husale has posed a question in his lecture, as the president of the fourth ‘Dalit Christian Marathi Sahitya Sammelan’, “ Why these hypocritical Christians who say caste becomes immaterial or non-existent after conversion, rush to Ahmednagar, Jalna and Kolhapur for marriage alliances? Why do they look at their place of origin? This implies that Christians still look for their original caste. How long can this fact be suppressed?” 8

In India, any person from Hindu tradition, on conversion to Christianity, Buddhism or Islam, cannot get rid of his original caste. Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar however said this is the folly of the Indian tradition. While answering the question ‘ Why conversion?’ he said, “ It is argued by Hindus that there is no point in resorting to conversion to avoid casteism, since casteism prevails in Christianity and Islam as well. Unfortunately, the fact is casteism has entered other communities too. But this has originated from Hinduism and has spread everywhere. Although there is casteism among Christians and Muslims, it is different from casteism within Hinduism. There may be casteism among Christian and Islamic communities, but it is not the main aspect of their society. When asked ‘ Who are you?’ if somebody answers ‘I am a Christian’ or ‘I am a Muslim’, the answer is adequate and satisfying. It is not necessary to ask ’What is your caste?’ The origin of casteism in Hinduism is the religion itself. Casteism in Muslim and Christian communities has no bearing on the respective religions. If Hindus ever decide to dissolve casteism, then the religion itself will pose an obstacle. But, if Christians and Muslims decide to end the practice of casteism, their religion will not be an obstacle.9

Conversion is a revolt against Chaturvana, exploitation: Rev Nirmal

Rev. Arvind Nirmal who is credited with ushering in the dalit Christian liberation movement in Maharashtra, says –‘Conversion is not the solution to all the problems arising out of being a dalit. But the act of our conversion to Christianity is our revolt against Hinduism, the religion that created dalitatva, the religion that created the Chaturvarna system and exploited us socially, economically and politically in the name of religion and imposed on us life equivalent to the animals. This religion did not allow us to lead a life of human being. Therefore, through our act of conversion, we have turned down Hinduism and revolted against it. It is immaterial whether conversion wipes out dalitatva but I feel the ‘rejections’, ‘protests’, and ‘revolts’ expressed through conversion are much more important. 10

References: -

1.Gajanan Vishwanath Ketkar, ‘ Khristi Dharma ‘, Tilak Maharashtra Vidyapeeth Suvarna Mahotsav Granth : 4, first edition 1969 (Page 231)

2.Felix Alfred Plattner, ‘ The Catholic Church in India, Yesterday and Today’, St. Paul Publications, 28-B, Chatham Lines, Allahabad – 2. Uttar Pradesh, 1984 (Pages 147 to 153).

3.Fr (Dr) Christopher Shelke, History of the missionary work in Ahmednagar district published in ‘ Niropya’ Marathi monthly in 1977, 1978, and 1979 issues, monthly edited and published by Fr Prabhudhar, Rosary Church, Ajra, Kolhapur district

4.Avinash Dolas, ‘ Ambedkari Chalval : Parivartanache Sandharbha’ , Sugava Prakashan Pune, first edition1995, (page 47)

5.Dr Christopher Shelke, ‘Niropya’ Marathi monthly, January 1978, (pages 9 and 10),

6.Ajit Lokhande, ‘Pune Jesuit Mission and Catechists in Ahmednagar District:’ A research paper presented at the conference held to commemorate the arrival of German Jesuits on the west coast of India (1854-2004), Pune 2005 (Unpublished)

7.Vitthal Ramji Shinde, ‘Bharatiya Asprushyatecha Prashna’, Koushalya Prakashan edition , N- 11, C-3/24/3, Hudco, Aurangabad, 431 003, 2003 (Page 136).

8.Sunil Adhav, ‘Dharma Khristacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya  Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ – Khristi Sahitya Sammelan (Prabandha Sangraha) Maharashtra Khristi Sahitya Parishad 1972, (Page 346)

9.Dr. Bhalchandra Dinkar Phadke (edited) ‘ Dr. Ambedkaranche Samajchintan’, Majestic Prakashan, and Marathi Tatwadnyan Mahakosh Mandal, first edition, May 1989 (Page 105, 106).

10.Sunil Adhav, ‘‘ Dharma Christacha, Vichar Sahityacha- Shatakatil Khristi Sahitya Sammelanadhyakshiya Bhashane wa tya waril Samiksha’ (Page 310)

Sunday, February 7, 2010

Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Fr Jacquier


Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon

(Catholic mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892 onwards)



By Camil Parkhe
camilparkhe@gmail.com

Published by: SFS Publications,
PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore,  560 010

ISBN 81-85376-78-6
First edition 2009

Copyright : SFS Publications


Price: Rs 95, US $ 6.75
Published in 2009



22) Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Jacquierbaba

In the 1960s, there was a wave of tamasha-based films in Marathi film industry. ‘Pinjara’ (The Cage), directed by veteran film director V Shantaram, was one of these films. The hero of the film, a school teacher, attempts to prevent staging of a tamasha show in his village. The teacher whose role is played by Dr Shriram Lagoo single-handed disrupts tamasha shows notwithstanding the presence of hundreds villagers gathered there to enjoy this sensuous folk art presented by beautiful women. The school teacher (master) believes tamasha is an unethical art and it is his moral duty to keep people away from it. Even those villagers who enjoy the show do not offer any resistance when it is abruptly brought to an end.
The belief and action of this ideal teacher reflects the attitude of the society towards this old traditional folk art. What this master did in the film produced in 1970s was precisely done in reality in Aurangabad district by Fr Jacquier half a century earlier. A majority of the artistes in this folk art were the members of the untouchable community among whom this priest was working. The French missionary believed tamasha encouraged adultery, involved sexual and social exploitation of the women and other artiste members of the troupe.
In my childhood, tamasha shows used to be held on every Friday - the day of the weekly bazaar - in my home town, Shrirampur. The bazaar site was hardly 500 meters away from home. A tent, smaller than the circus tent, used to be erected on the ground adjacent to the weekly bazaar. From morning to evening on that day, we children used to hear the publicity of the show made on loudspeakers fitted on vehicles having pictures of dancing women with heavy make up and turban-wearing men playing dholkis (drums) and other musical instruments.
The tamasha shows were attended by a large number of men folks, majority of them residents of neighbouring villages. I do not remember any member of my or my friends’ families ever attending the tamasha shows. We children were allowed to see films in local theatres but never ever we entertained the thought of attending the tamasha show. The tamasha shows which consisted of obscene songs and dialogues, seductive dances with reciprocated response from the excited members of the audience was naturally not meant for people with good character, we were told.
Research scholar Dr Milind Kasbe in his book in Marathi Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Tamasha: Art and artistes’) says, “ the immorality which quietly creeps into this folk art is a matter of grave concern. The feudal mentally of the high caste people forces women belonging to the lower castes like Mahar, Mang and Kolhati to dance on the stage and throw cash towards her to make her strip. The question is why one should preserve this folk art if this mentality is not changed.1
Veteran Marathi stage and film actor Nilu Phule who has acted in many tamasha-related films in his preface to the above mentioned book has said: “Most of the tamasha artistes are people belonging to the so-called backward and untouchable castes like Mahar, Mang, Kolhati, and Gopal. Indebtedness is a major crisis plaguing the tamasha industry. The tamasha troupe owners take loans from moneylenders and the tamasha artistes take loans from the troupe owners. Thus, all constituents of this trade – the troupe owners, the artistes and the labourers – are deep neck into the debt trap. A majority of those offering loans belong to higher castes. The women tamasha artistes have to surrender themselves to the moneylenders if they are unable to repay their loans. I have always wondered why these artistes, despite always living in penury have clung on to this folk art.”
The opposition to the obscenity in tamasha became more vocal after India gained independence. The chief minister of the Mumbai province B G Kher had imposed a ban on this folk art in 1948. A tamasha reform committee, led by Mahamahopadhyay Datto Waman Potdar, was subsequently constituted to recommend changes in the content and performance of the folk art. The committee suggested imposition of conditions like performance as per the written script, avoiding obscene dialogues, ban on the members of the audience physically touching the women artistes. The ban was lifted when the tamasha troupes agreed to abide by these rules. 2
The University of Pune’s Pawala Paththe Bapurao Sahitya, Sangeet, Lok Kala Academy and Pathfinder International had organised a tamasha festival and workshop in Pune in October 2007. A brochure released on the occasion speaks on the origin of this folk art. Accordingly, the word tamasha has apparently has its origin is Persian language and was adopted in Marathi language through Urdu. Some scholars believe the folk art owes its origin to the Muslim influence in the medieval period. The brochure underlines that the folk art remained confined to the Mahar, Mang, Gondhali, Kolhati and Dombari, the untouchable and other depressed communities in Maharashtra. Of course, the patrons of the folk art who socially, economically and sexually exploited the tamasha artistes were the upper caste people.
For centuries, the traditional professions in India have been caste-based and so was the case with several folk arts. Tamasha art was mainly developed and preserved by Mahar and Mang communities. The women of these castes used to sing and dance while the men used to also sing and play various traditional musical instruments like the dholki, tuntune, manjira, duff, Halgi, kad and harmonium. The caste of these tamasha artistes speaks volumes for the social status or reputation enjoyed by this folk art in the society as a whole.
The season for the stage shows of tamasha normally started after the Dasara festival, that is after the monsoon season and ended after the Askhay Trutiya festival which marked commencement of the marriage festival. During the marriage season and also during the annual village temple festival (yatra), the Mahar folks offered music accompaniment.3 I remember during my childhood, sons of my uncles used to play pipani, dholki and other musical instruments during the village marriages. Only after reading this reference recently did I realise the social factors connected to this seasonal job. It meant the seasonal job was also caste-based and that my maternal cousins may have picked up the musical skill from some elder members in the family. Some members of either my father’s family in Wahegaon or mother’s family in Ghogargaon might have been associated with the tamasha trade in some way or the other as was the case with most members of the Mahar community at that time.
Veteran Marathi poet Narayan Surve in his article on Shahir Annabhau Sathe also underlines the social stigma associated to tamasha. In his article written in 1969, Surve writes: “Twenty five years ago, the word ‘tamasha’ was akin to an untouchable. Tamasha meant a form of theatre which was not meant for the gentlemen or girls and womenfolk. It included a nachya, (a dancer boy or man with long hair) who made indecent and obscene gestures, sang sensual songs. It was believed tamasha spoilt the cultural taste of the gentle folks. The tamasha artistes are untouchable persons and to see this folk art was considered a sin.” 4
This was the social scenario which prompted Jacquierbaba to persuade the members of untouchable community not to allow their sexual, social and economic exploitation by the higher social classes. He indeed resorted to the coercion route when persuasion failed and the local Christians continued their association with this folk art. The school teacher (master) in the film Pinjara (Hindi version of this film was also made) forcibly halts staging of a tamasha show with the same conviction that the folk art involved unethical, sinful activities. The present Deputy Chief Minister of Maharashtra, R R Patil, has imposed a ban on dance bars in his state, on the ground that the singing and dancing by girls and women in hotels and bars is unethical and sexual, economical exploitation of the women concerned.
In the published writings related to the life and works of Fr Jacquier, I have never come across the campaign launched by this missionary against this folk art. Nonetheless, I have repeatedly heard from my parents and my maternal uncles about this priest’s solitary drive to bring down the curtain down to this stage art for once and for. My two maternal uncles, Shantwan and Waman Shingare, had for some years served as drivers of Fr Jacquier’s horse cart. There is not ground to doubt the credibility of the testimony of the old residents of Ghogargaon who had lived during the times of Fr Jacquier. My Mother, Marthabai, now nearing to be an octogenarian is also among those who had seen Fr Jacquier during his last years.
Fr Jacquier who was based in Ghogargaon since 1896 had earned the respect of the untouchable Mahar community - majority of whom had converted to Christianity - as well as the the upper castes Maratha and Brahmin communities. He also commanded respect among the government officials of the Hyderabad’s ruler Nizam. As an European and highly educated man, he was also feared by the otherwise powerful people in Gangapur and Vaijapur talukas of Aurangabad district. Under such circumstances, when Fr Jacquier single handedly opposed tamasha stage shows, there was hardly anyone who could challenge his moral or legal authority to do so.
Fr Jacquier had understood the social nature of this folk art. After arriving from France, Fr Jacquier had taken lessons in English and Marathi and acquired mastery over both these languages. Later, for several years, this French missionary used to teach the local populace to sing Marathi hymns and bhajans. He must have studied tamasha thoroughly before he decided to oppose on the grounds of its social and ethical implications.
It is said that whenever a tamasha show was staged in the villages around Ghogargaon, Fr Jacquier used to reach there. He would climb the stage and force the artistes to stop the show midway. Tamasha shows are always held at nights and continue till the break of the dawn. Jacquierbaba did not mind losing his sleep to travel a long distance at night if it meant preventing members of his flock from straying away from the moral path. He used to force the women artistes to unstrap the heavy ankle bells (ghoongaroos), each weighing five to seven kilos, and confiscate them. Sometimes, he also cut the long hair of the nachya to prevent him to play the same role at least for the next few weeks. Often, the priest used to return home carrying in his horse cart the dholkis (drums), cymbals and other musical instruments to prevent the tamasha troupe to stage another show.
Considering Jacquierbaba’s the strong opposition of Fr Jacquier to tamasha, it is doubtful whether any shows of this folk art were ever staged in Ghogargaon as long as this six ft-tall missionary was physically able to travel on horse back or in horse carts to stop the shows.
I have often heard my parents saying that two rooms in Ghogargaon’s church complex were filled with musical instruments confiscated by Jacquierbaba during his drive against tamasha. When I visited Ghogargaon in 2005, the local parish priest Fr Stephen Almeida endorsed this view. He told me that even he had heard from his parishioners that the musical instruments were stored in some rooms till a decade back.
Jacquierbaba’s drive against tamasha, of course, had social reference of the century-old period. Now, the times have changed and there are attempts by the government administration as well some cultural organisations to preserve this traditional folk art. However, despite the abolition of untouchability in India after the country gained independence, the caste-related references to this folk art have not changed. The tamasha artistes continue to belong to the lower castes like Mahar, Mang and Kolhati. Despite the state patronage to this folk art, tamasha artistes have failed to achieve economic prosperity or social respect. Artistes playing roles in Marathi theatre shows or in films now enjoy both prosperity and glamour. This fortune has eluded the tamasha artistes.
The exploitation of tamasha artistes has continued to this date as it was during the days of Jacquierbaba. No tamasha artiste would like her or his children to take up this profession. There seems to be some truth in the question posed by actor Nilu Phule as to why these artistes have clung on to this art if it has failed to offer them happiness and prestige. In the light of these circumstances, one may wonder whether the steps taken by Jacquierbaba to end this folk art were indeed in the interests of the tamasha artistes.

References:
1) Dr Milind Kasbe: Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Tamasha: Art and artistes) Marathi book published by Sugawa Prakashan, Pune (2007) (page 9)
2) As above, page 29
3) V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, ‘Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana’ (Rural social structure in Maharashtra), Publisher: D R Gadgil, Gokhale Institute of Economics, Pune 411 004 (1957) (Page 20)
4) Narayan Surve, “Manoos, Kalawant Aani Samaj” (Marathi), (Human, an artiste and the society), Published by Popular Prakashan, 36 C, Malaviya Marg, Mumbai, 400 034 (1992), (Page 68)
5) Dr Milind Kasbe: Tamasha: Kala Ani Kalawant (Page 51)
* *

Untouchability and dalits in 20th century




Fr Gurien Jacquier of Ghogargaon



(Catholic mission in Aurangabad diocese - 1892 onwards)

By Camil Parkhe
camilparkhe@gmail.com


Copyright : SFS Publications
Published by: SFS Publications,

PB No 5639
Rajajinagar, 1st Block,
Bangalore, 560 010


ISBN 81-85376-78-6

First edition 2009


Index

i) Preface- Bishop Edwin Colaco, Aurangabad diocese
ii) Fr Marian Fernandes, MSFS Provincial, Pune Province
iii) Fr Stephen Almeida, parish priest of Ghogargaon
1) A pilgrimage to Ghogargaon
2) Arrival of Christianity in Nizam’s Hyderabad state
3) Ghogargaon – First MSFS mission in Nagpur diocese
4) Fr Marian Thomas, Mission founder
5) Fr Jacquier- From France to Ghogargaon
6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century
7) Dalit Christians during pre-independence era
8) Portrait of Fr Gurien Jacquier
9) Boosting morale of Dalit Christians
10) Foundation of Borsar mission
11) World War I: MSFS priests in Jesuits’ Nagar missions
12) Fr Jacquier in Rahata
13) Fr Berger in Kendal
14) Social scenario in Rahata, Sangamner, Kendal
15) A Jesuit’s tribute to MSFS priests
16) Christianity in Marathwada (1915-1923)
17 Fr Forel in Borsar mission
18) Christ the King Church, Ghogargaon
19 Lohgaon-Bidkin mission - Paithan
20) Archbishop Doering’s visit to Ghogargaon
21) A missionary’s dilemma
22) Exploitation of tamasha artistes and Jacquierbaba
23) Jacquierbaba challenges custom of untouchabalility
24) First local vocations: Fr Monteiro, Bro Taide
25) Jacquierbaba in his twilight years
26) Civic reception to Jacquierbaba
27) Called to eternal reward
28) Ghogargaon: Two sons of soil ordained priests
29) Formation of Aurangabad diocese
30) Parishes in Aurangabad (Marathwada) diocese
------

6) Untouchability and social scenario in 20th century

Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived from France in Ghogargaon in Aurangabad district when the 20th century was about to end. The British had by that time established their political rule almost all over India. Aurangabad district was at that time a part of the princely state of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Ghogargaon became Fr Jacquier’s permanent home. He was transferred from there twice but returned to his ‘home’ again where he spent his twilight years and chose this obscure village as his final resting place.
The role played by this missionary in transforming the prevalent social, religious structure would be known only when one takes into consideration the feudal society, the rigid caste structure and the barbarian, inhuman custom of untouchability, called by Mahatma Gandhi as the scourge on humanity. In the 20th century, the human habitation was not found located at one place in the village. Some people preferred to stay on their farms, a cluster some 10 to 12 homes used to locate elsewhere and it was called as Wadi. The central location of the village where a majority of the villagers lived was called as ‘Gaothan’. This main site of the village used to well fortified with a wall and a main tall entrance to protect the villagers from dacoits and other unwanted unscrupulous elements. This fortified wall was called as Gaokusu. Only the people belonging to the high caste were permitted to live within the protected walls of the gaokusu. The others, the outcaste people, were condemned to live beyond the village territory and were allowed to step in the village only when their services were required by the upper echelon.
The high caste community which lived in the village enclosure included those belonging to the first three of the total four varnas or the chaturvarnas. The three varnas which enjoyed social dignity included Brahmins, Kshatriyas and the Vaishyas as described in the Manu Smriti, the law book of Manu. The upper caste community too was divided into various sub-castes and groups, with some groups claiming the superiority of their sub-castes and the others contesting these claims.
The people belonging to the last Varna, Shudras were those who lived outside the village fence wall. The main outcastes, also referred to as untouchables, were the Mahar, Mang and Chambar (cobblers). Besides, there were also some tribes and nomadic tribes which had inferior status in the social structure.
                Unlike the other upper and lower castes, the Mahars are found almost in all villages in Maharashtra. According to some scholars, in fact, Maharashtra has earned its name, the Rashtra (nation) of Mahars, from its dominant Mahar population. Veteran anthropologist Dr Iravati Karve has said that except the Mahars, no other caste, not even the Maratha or Kunbi, has its presence in all villages of the Maharashtra state in India. 1
The untouchables are those whose even sight was considered as inauspicious and bad omen and the upper caste people considered it to be a sin to touch them. The upper caste people had to bathe again to purify themselves if any time they accidentally touched the untouchables.
Some books published in Marathi during the early years of the 20th century throw light on the social situation, the caste-based barter system and the condition of the untouchables in Maharashtra during this period. Trimbak Narayan Aatre who had served as a tehsildar during the British regime has written a book in Marathi, entitled ‘Gaogada’, ‘the village chariot’ which was published in 1915. 2
Another relevant book is ‘The Mahar folk- a study of untouchables in Maharashtra’ written by Rev Alexander Robertson and published in 1938. 3
Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra)’ is another book, written by economist Dr V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, his colleague at the Pune-based Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics which throws light on the social structure prevailing in the 1950s when the country had got freed of its political shackles. 4
The horrifying predicament of the untouchable communities is also reflected in the autobiographical writings of the Dalit writers published in Marathi after 1970s.
The settlements of the Mahars and the Mangs, located outside the village’s boundary walls used to be called as the Maharwada or Mangwada, respectively. In Vaijapur and Gangapur talukas of Aurangabad district where Fr Jacquier worked, Maharwada was ironically referred to as the Rajwada (the palace). Many residents of the Maharwadas in these talukas were converted to Christianity by Fr Jacquier and his MSFS priest colleagues. Nonetheless, a century after their conversion, these settlements are referred to as Rajwada even in 2008. So much is the rigidity of the caste system in India.
The villages which had a boundary wall from all sides to protect the villagers from the thugs and dacoits had an entry gate, the Wes. The gates used to be closed after sunset and opened only after the break of the dawn. The wes was guarded by a weskar, a member of the Mahar community. The Weskar would function as a watchman, keeping a close vigil on the people entering and going out of the village. He would also stand as main witness in the event of any civil or criminal dispute in the village.
The settlement of the lower castes and the untouchables was always on the lower directions of the river or steam. This enabled the higher caste people to collect or avail of the flowing water before it was contaminated by the touch of the lower castes people or the untouchables. There was a hierarchy even among the so-called higher castes and the flowing water was consumed as per this social ladder.
Accordingly, the Brahmins who unquestionably stood at the top of the social ladder availed of the river, stream water first, followed by the upper caste people such as the Marathas, goldsmiths, Kunbis, Malis and others. Even the untouchables had hierarchy among themselves and their locations of river/stream water consumption were fixed accordingly. In the lower caste hierarchy, the Ramoshis and Chambhars stood on a higher plain, followed by the Dhor, the Mahar and the Mang. The Bhangis or the scavengers stood at the bottom of this social pyramid. Of course, in practice, the Mahars considered themselves higher than the Mangs or the Chambhars and the vice versa.
When the rivers or the stream dried during the summer and in areas where there were no flowing sources of water, the entire community within the village boundary and the outside had to depend on the wells. Most of the times, each of the upper castes and the lower castes people had their independent wells. The untouchables had to depend totally on the mercy of the higher caste people when they had no wells of their own or when these wells got dried during the summer. The untouchables were forbidden to draw water from the wells meant for the upper castes and they had to wait near the wells for some good soul from the upper castes to take pity on them and pour water on their hands to quench their thirst. But the upper caste man or woman would take care to pour from safe distance lest he or she be defiled by the touch or shadow of the untouchables. In the history of the humankind, no other parts of the world ever had such most inhuman, cruel traditions. Perhaps, even the slaves during the ancient period were treated with more consideration!
The treatment meted out to the untouchables was worse that the treatment given to the slaves during ancient period. The barbarian social practice of untouchability perhaps had only one parallel in the history of human kind – the treatment given to the black people – the people of African race who were denied basic human rights in their countries or in Europe and America on account of the colour of their skin.
It was the total contempt for the inhuman custom of untouchability that led to Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar to launch a stir to open the Chavdar Lake at Mahad in the Konkan region of Maharashtra in 1927. Even after this agitation, the public water bodies in Maharashtra were not thrown open to the untouchables. The high caste people also refused to open the public temples to the Dalits.

This stubborn attitude of the high caste community had led much exasperated Dr Ambedkar to declare his intention in 1927 to give up Hinduism and to embrace another religion which would offer him and his followers a dignified life. Despite his threat, there was no change in the attitude of the higher caste community, forcing Dr Ambedkar and his numerous followers to give up Hinduism and embrace Buddhism in 1956.

“During our survey of 72 villages, we have not come across any incident of the untouchables availing of the water at the public wells in their villages,” wrote veteran economist V M Dandekar and his companion M B Jagtap a few years after India had gained Independence. 5

This was the social situation prevailing when Fr Gurien Jacquier arrived in 1896 to preach the gospel in rural parts of Aurangabad district. The only people who positively responded to him and embraced Christianity were the Mahars, the untouchables. It was indeed a great challenge to socially and spiritually shape this most oppressed community. The French missionary took the gauntlet and did not give up till he breathed his last in the same village five decades later.
References:
1) Iravati Karve, ‘Mahar Ani Maharashtra (Mahar and Maharashtra), ‘Paripurti’ (Marathi), published by Deshmukh and Company Pvt Ltd., 473, Sadashiv Peth, Pune 411 030 (10th edition 1990), (page 74)
2) Trimbak Narayan Aatre, ‘Gaongada’ (Village Cycle) Publishers: H A Bhave, Warada Books, 397/1, Senapati Bapat Road, Pune 411 016 (Third edition, reprinting 1995)
3) Alexander Robertson, ‘The Mahar Folk- A study of untouchables in Maharashtra – The religious life of India series’; Publishers- Y M C A Publishing House, 5 Russell Street, Kolkata, Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press (first edition 1938), second edition published in 2005 by Dr Ashok Gaikwad, Kaushalya Prakashan, N-11, C-3/24/3, HUDCO, Aurangabad (Maharashtra)
4) V M Dandekar and M B Jagtap, ‘Maharashtrachi Grameen Samajrachana (The Social Structure in Rural Maharashtra), Published by D R Gadgil, Gokhale Institute of Economics, Pune (1957)
5) As above; Page 10

Sunday, January 31, 2010

Splendid story of an enlightened life

Splendid story of an enlightened life

Posted by Gandhi Serve Foundation on April 27, 2009 at 11:31am in Mahatma Gandhi News Digest
Back to Mahatma Gandhi News Digest Discussions
Splendid story of an enlightened life
http://www.sakaaltimes.com/2009/04/27145633/Splendid-story-of-an-en...

Sakaal Times - Pune, India
By Camil Parkhe
Two months ago, Martin Luther King III, the eldest child of Rev Martin Luther King Junior, led a delegation that toured India to mark the golden jubilee of his Nobel laureate father’s visit to India. King (Jr), who led an intensified struggle against segregation of the Blacks in the USA, visited India along with his wife Coretta at the invitation of prime minister Jawahralal Nehru in 1959. The life and contribution of King (Jr) has been described in a recent biography penned by Roger Bruns.
The book informs how the practice of segregation of the Blacks in schools, buses, theatres, hotels and parks continued in the USA right up to the late 1960s when that country was trying to reach the moon.
The biographer has narrated how King (Jr), a Baptist minister, was accidentally drawn into the anti-racism movement after a Black woman Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat in a city bus so that a White passenger is saved from the insult of sitting with a Black American in the same row. King Junior’s call to his fellow community members to boycott the city buses in Montgomery proved most successful. The boycott was called off after 381 days when the US Supreme Court ruled segregation in the city buses as unlawful.
The book provides insight into the personal and social life of King (Jr), and the struggle of the Black Americans. The book will be especially inspirational for those people who are associated with the movement for the rights of marginalised and oppressed sections of society.
King (Jr), as Baptist minister, was influenced by Jesus Christ’s teaching of love even for the oppressor; he thus adopted non-violence as the means to seek an end to racism. The book has a sub-chapter on Mahatma Gandhi and non-violence. It mentions that when King (Jr) was assassinated, a torn and fading piece of paper was found in his wallet. It had a handwritten quote of the Mahatma: “In the midst of death, life persists..”
The Indian readers would have however appreciated if the book had more references on how Mahatma Gandhi’s non-violence and satyagraha boosted King’s morale to keep the struggle peaceful. Otherwise, it is a valuable collection.

Dilip Chhabria - Man who designs dream vehicles

Sakaal Times

Man who designs dream vehicles

08 Dec 2009 11:45,
Dilip Chhabria, head of DC Designs, has designed cars, vans and buses for a large number of celebrities and VVIPs including L K Advani, Bal Thackeray, Amitabh Bachchan, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Bhardwaj, Omar Abdullah and Narayan Rane. An alumnus of the US-based Art Center, he worked with General Motors at Detroit for four years and quit the secure job to start his own business of offering people exclusive and comfortable vehicles. Chhabria speaks to Camil Parkhe about blending his passion for cars with people’s desire for changes
Why did you give up a job in a world automobile giant and return to India to start your own business?I wanted to start car designing business. Basically, I am car crazy. I have an obsession, passion for cars. People want a change, something new, something different from others. I wanted to give them a vehicle of their dreams, either totally exclusive or having additional facilities. I said to myself, If I could do that, I will survive. While giving up my US job, I did not worry about financial security. I told myself that I have nothing to lose. I could take a job and start afresh if this venture is failed. That was in 1993. I had the courage to take the jump.How did you enter the car designing sector?In the beginning, Mahindra & Mahindra helped. They asked me to design Armada in 1993. Bal Thackeray was one of my first VVIP clients. The Shiv Sena supremo wanted a designed car to enable him to travel to different parts of the state. During the last 17 years, celebrities and VVIPs from different walks of life have approached me to design cars, buses to suit their requirements. After I designed a car for the Sena chief, the word about my car designing skills spread fast. The mouth publicity about my skill in car designing helped me get clients from various parts of the country.
Why do people opt for designed vehicles?
There are two reasons why a person may wish to have a designed car or any other vehicle. For exclusivity and for comfort. Some people may want their vehicles to be special, different from what others have and so they opt for car designing. Then there are others who seek more comfort and additional amenities in their vehicle and so go for a designed vehicle. What is your process in car designing?When a person approaches me for vehicle designing, first of all I want to know what the client exactly wants. I first find out whether the person is seeking exclusivity or comfort. Accordingly, I proceed with the task. Let me make it clear that we do not accept all demands made to us for vehicle designing. On an average, every day we get about 100 calls for vehicle designing and we do not accept all of them. We start the initial discussion on vehicle designing only if the project is exciting to us as well. The money earned in the project is not the sole criterion for accepting it. DC Designs has now become a brand because we are here not for money alone. How do you and your client arrive at a particular model of design?I normally have sittings with the clients to know their mind, to understand what exactly they want. However, in every case we make it clear that the design discretion will be totally ours and we assure the clients that out design will meet their requirement of exclusivity or comfort and that they will surely like the final result. And we have so far not disappointed any of our clients. On the other hand, in four to five per cent cases every year, we ourselves inform the clients that the designing project is complete as per the plans but we are not satisfied with the result and so we would like to take some more time to further modify the designing. The end result should be to our satisfaction as well. During the first meeting, we understand the client’s needs. Then we draw some sketches, modify or make changes and later prepare a master sketch and computer modelling. The first idea about the proposed car design always comes from me. The other staff in the company later come up with minute details, fill in the gaps. It takes three to four months and nearly 20,000 man-hours to complete a single vehicle designing project. The projects seeking comforts may cost in lakhs. So far, DC Designs has designed over 2,000 vehicles including 700 cars. We started the production unit in Chinchwad in 2005. Even now our headquarters is still in Mumbai. My son Bonny looks after marketing of our products.What are your impressions about your celebrity clients?I found Shiv Sena chief Thackeray a down-to-earth personality. I held him in awe as he was first VVIP client. He wanted a vehicle in which he could travel comfortably. Lalu Prasad Yadav impressed me as a very intelligent and witty person. I had six meetings with Shah Rukh Khan to finalise designing for his car. I have also enjoyed the experience of working with Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah.

Teresian Nivas Hostel for women

Home away from home
Camil Parkhe
Monday, December 21st, 2009 AT 8:12 PM
Tags: Women, http://www.sakaaltimes.com catholic
Young women residing in Teresian Nivas Hostel in Camp spend quality time with underprivileged children
A group of young women drawn from various parts of the country and belonging to varied faiths live together in a hostel to study and to establish themselves in life and leave the place in a couple of years to start their own independent life. This hostel, Teresian Nivas Hostel on the Sachapir Street in Camp has offered shelter and psychological support to hundreds of youngsters during the most crucial phase of their life.
Teresian Nivas Hostel is run by Teresian Association, an organisation of lay people committed to the twin causes of education and culture. The hostel is owned by Pune Catholic diocese headed by Pune Bishop Thomas Dabre.
The hostel is open to women belonging to the age-group of 18 to 30 years. The hostelites are either students or working women and they can stay at the hostel for a maximum of four years.
"The period of four years gives sufficient time to the young women to complete their basic studies, to find a job, alternate accommodation or even a life partner," says Maria Goretti Gonsalves, in-charge of this unique hostel.
Almost 50 per cent of the hostelites are Christians but that is only because the institute is run by a Christian organisation. "We do not admit women based on their religion. We only conduct their interview to know their character and their need to live in the hostel," says Gonsalves.
Women from north-eastern states, north India, south India and even rural parts of Maharashtra approach the hostel for admission.
The Teresian Association was founded by Fr Pedro Poveda, a diocesan priest, in Spain in 1911 with an aim to promote human advancement and transform social structures.
The Association's hostel, besides offering shelter, also helps the women to shape their personality and to equip themselves for the future.
The hostel life helps the young women understand each other's cultures, traditions and other religions, Gonsalves adds.
The Teresian Association organises various activities for the inmates on Sundays or during holidays, including visits to orphanages and slums.
"We also celebrate religious festivals like Diwali, Eid, Christmas and national festivals like Independence Day. Birthdays too are celebrated" says Gonsalves.

Sunday, January 24, 2010

Fr Matthew Lederle, inter-religious dialogue

Contribution of Christian Missionaries in India

Author : Camil Parkhe

19. Fr. Matthew Lederle, a proponent of inter-religious dialogue

This incident dates back to 1966. A function was organised in Pune to release a collection of hymns written by the medieval Maharashtrian poet-saint Sant Tukaram. The then Speaker of the Maharashtra State Assembly, Balasaheb Bharde, was in the chair. Bharde, a freedom fighter, was also an authority on Marathi sants' literature and was a veteran kirtankar. The compere announced, "and now Father Matthew Lederle will speak on Sant Tukaram's Gatha (hymns)."


Following the announcement, a European stood up to speak. He was wearing a kurta- pajama. Most of the audience expected him to speak in English. However, Fr.Lederle began speaking in Marathi. The audience was shocked to hear him talking in fluent Marathi, commenting and analysing Tukaram's famous A bhangas - 'Shevatacha Dees Goad Whawa' (Let the last day be sweet one), in a lucid manner.

Fr. Lederle said - "Sant Tukaram has said 'Let the last day be sweet and a memorable one'. It is my prayer too. On reaching heaven, I will request Sant Tukaram to sing those Abhangas, in his melodious voice. I am indeed deeply impressed by his Abhangas."

The person appreciating Sant Tukaram's Marathi Abhangas was not only German but also a Christian priest. The German was also fascinated by the spiritual works of other Hindu saints like Sant Dnyandeo and Sant Namdeo.

He, along with Fr. Guy Deleury, a French Jesuit, and Achyutrao Apte, a social worker and a founder of the Vidyarthi Sahayyak Samiti, had established Snehasadan Ashram, an institute for inter-religious dialogue on the banks of the river Mutha in Pune. Since his arrival in India and ordination as a priest, he had chosen the historic Pune city for his work. He learnt the local language, started interacting with the local people and started inter-religious dialogue to help people appreciate and understand each other.

Many people found it strange and sometimes, a bit suspicious, that a Catholic priest was not only taking keen interest in Hindu philosophy and forms of worships but also attempting to adopt some Hindu traditions and concepts, which did not contradict his Christian beliefs.

Lederle was born in Germany on 13 March 1926. Adolf Hitler, the Nazi leader, had assumed political power in Germany. Having won power in Germany, Hitler planned to invade other nations in Europe and its neighbourhood. As per the then prevalent proscription rule in Germany, it was his duty to serve in his country's army for some time. Young Matthew Lederle, like all other able bodied youths of his country, was compelled to join the army and follow the diktats of their Nazi leaders.

The wild ambitions of Hitler and other fascist leaders led to the outbreak of the Second World War. Young Lederle, along with other German soldiers, fought the battle against the Allied forces led by America. The Second World War ended with the defeat of the Nazis. Unable to face his impending humiliation, Hitler committed suicide. The squad in which Lederle served comprised of 85 soldiers but when the cease-fire was announced, it was left with only three soldiers including Lederle.

After the cease-fire, the Allied forces captured Lederle as a prisoner of war. His first attempt to escape from the prisoners' camp failed but he succeeded in his second attempt. He fled stealthily from the camp and swam across a river in the biting cold of the winter. Later, he disguised himself and reached his home safe and sound.

After the hostilities of the war had subsided, Lederle opted for a different path. He joined the Society of Jesus in 1949 to become a priest and within two years he opted for the Pune-Goa Jesuit vice-province in India as the place for his life's mission. He was merely 26 years old when he reached India.

While continuing his studies for priesthood, Lederle for some days stayed at Sangamner, Rahata and Kendal in Ahmednagar district and took lessons in Marathi language. He was ordained a priest in Pune in 1957.

He was by now well versed in Marathi, having obtained a post-graduate degree in Marathi of the University of Pune. He also secured a doctorate of the University for which his thesis was 'Philosophical trends in modern Maharashtra.' Lederle lived in Pune for almost 25 years.

India is a birthplace of four religions, Hinduism, Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism. Islam and Christianity have also originated in Asia. Though St Thomas, an apostle of Jesus Christ, preached Christianity in Kerala 2,000 years back, the gospel reached the other parts of India much later with the arrival of western missionaries. This has led to a widespread misconception that Christianity is a western religion and that all its followers are deeply influenced by western culture, lifestyle and ideology.

Fr. Lederle was of the opinion that local culture and Christian doctrines and beliefs can be compatible, they need not be contradictory in all respects. In his lectures and writings, he emphasised that an Indian Christian can practice his religion without giving up the local culture. This was the principle of inculturation advocated strongly by the Catholic Church especially after the second Vatican Council held in the early 1960s.

For example, Fr. Lederle maintained that a married Maharashtrian Christian woman need not give up the local tradition of applying kumkum on her forehead or wearing colourful bangles on her wrists. These local cultural traditions have nothing to do with religious beliefs or doctrines and the local people should be encouraged to continue them even after their conversion to Christianity, he argued.

The second Vatican Council, convened by Pope John XVIII ushered in fresh reforms in the Catholic Church. This council, attended by the Church's theologians and leaders from all over the world, also changed the perspective of the Catholic Church towards other religions. This Council strongly advocated dialogues with other religions and encouraged appreciation of certain principles and cultural practices found in other religions, which were not necessarily against the Christian doctrines and faith. Fr Lederle's Snehasadan in Pune was established as an ashram for inter-religious dialogue.

Every year thousands of pilgrims from different parts of western Maharashtra undertake a pilgrimage on foot to the Vitthal temple at Pandharpur in Solapur district. This annual pilgrimage, called Vari, is one of the important religious traditions of Maharashtra. Fr Lederle once joined the Varkaris in Pune, mingling with the men and women, mostly from rural areas, singing bhajans to the accompaniment of the cymbals and mrudungs as they walked for 11 days to cover the 180 km distance to Pandharpur. This was his way of trying to understand and appreciate the local tradition of pilgrimage.

When he shifted to Panaji as the provincial of the Goa-Pune Jesuit province in 1985, I had interviewed him as a reporter for the local newspaper, The Navhind Times. Before I arrived at the Jesuit House for the interview, Fr. Lederle had scribbled some notes on some issues to make my work easier. The interview was mainly based on the Catholic Church's inculturation policy, his pet topic. I have still preserved those notes.

"Inculturation means," Fr. Lederle wrote, “that a religion, here Christianity, wishes to become a part of a culture, to promote what is good in a culture, not to destroy it. This recognises that there are many good things in a culture, society, religion and it is worthwhile to know it and to benefit from it. Now people know much more about each other, they live close together, we have become much more of a one family. So we have to find ways to live together as friends and brothers and sisters - not as enemies. It is important that those who believe in God should give support to each other, so that modern society is not without God."

"Inculturation is also based on the understanding that, as Pope John XXIII said, it is better to praise what is good than condemn what is evil. Naturally, there are times when we have to condemn evils in society, also in our own."

On the issue of why Christianity is interested in Christianity, he wrote: “Christianity looks at Jesus Christ, its founder, and accepts him as Divine Lord and Saviour. He became fully human in his own nation and culture, the Jewish nation. Christians, therefore, see it as their task not to become all like Jews but to be fully members of their own respective culture, to become Europeans in Europe, Japanese in Japan, and Indians in India. Christianity was born in Asia; when it came to Europe, for example, it became in many of its cultural forms very much European."

Often, people belonging to different religions and sects are totally ignorant about each other's religious beliefs and traditions although they may have lived as neighbours in harmony for several years. Throughout his life, Fr. Lederle strived for inter-religious dialogue and cooperation, for helping people to understand one another's religious values, ideologies and culture. This was one of the goals of the Snehasadan ashram founded in 1969.

In a preface to Lederle's book, 'Christian Paintings in India through the centuries', veteran artist Jyoti Sahi has said: "One is struck by how deeply Fr. Lederle had committed himself to a post-Vatican II Council understanding of the Church in the world. It is also this concern for the Indian Church, lived in humble local parishes that drew Fr. Lederle to reflect deeply on the role of ashrams in the church. Lederle's concern with Indian Christian art must be seen within the context of his interest in the inculturation of the Church generally. This also led to his involvement in the Christian ashram movement. For him the important point about ashrams was not so much the Guru, or the search for the Absolute, but a deep and meaningful dialogue with people of other faiths, particularly Hindus in the Indian context. He liked to make his retreat with people of different faiths. Once he chose as his retreat the nature-cure ashram of Acharya Vinoba Bhave's brother near Poona. Another time, he went to Shanti Niketan. For his 'dialogue' was not just on the verbal level: it was something to be lived in the community."

After his elevation as provincial of the Goa-Pune province in 1985, he had to move to Panaji, the capital of Goa, the headquarters of the then Goa-Pune Jesuit province. Fr. Lederle had come to be so closely identified with Pune that when he moved to Goa, the editor of the Panaji-based Marathi daily 'Gomantak', Narayan Athawale, wrote an editorial 'Welcome to a Punekar (Puneite) in Goa'. (Athavale was later elected as a Shiv Sena nominee from Mumbai to the Lok Sabha).

When he was in Pune, Fr. Lederle and his Snehasadan ashram had developed close association with eminent personalities from different fields. These personalities included socialist stalwarts like S. M. Joshi, Achyutrao Patwardhan, former High Commissioner to U. K. Nanasaheb (N. G.) Goray, and former Union Minister Mohan Dharia. While describing Fr. Lederle's personality, senior humourist P. L. Deshpande had said - 'There are some people who take a place in your heart in their first meeting itself. Fr. Lederle was a philosophy scholar. Though born in Germany, due to his humanitarian attitude, he became a citizen of the entire world. Such personalities are indeed beyond the stamp of citizenships on passports!'

Fr. Lederle had not confined his work to any particular field. He had associated himself with literature, philosophy, theology, social counseling and arts. He encouraged modern Indian Christian art. The Indian Christian art has its own unique style and hence it has its own place in Indian art. One of its motivators was Fr Lederle himself. He encouraged many Christian and non- Christian artists like Gemini Roy, Jyoti Sahi, Sister Claire, for projecting Christian theology in the framework of Indian culture and philosophy. Lederle through the 'Art India' organisation in Pune, got Christmas greeting cards prepared, depicting Jesus Christ in a saffron gown, Mother Mary draped like an Indian woman and incorporating Indian symbols like Swastika, oil lamps, lotus and rangolis artistically. He made these cards popular both in India and abroad.

In his book 'Christian Paintings in India through the centuries', Lederle has discussed the Indian Christian art form since the last 2,000 years. He delivered lectures on Indian Christian art during the commemoration lectures series organised by Heras Institute of Indian History, Mumbai; in 1984.These lectures were compiled in a book, which was published after his demise.

In this lecture series, Lederle threw light on Christian art forms in Kerala during ancient times, in Goa during the medieval times, the one in Mughal courts, and even the contribution by Christian and non-Christian artists like M. F. Hussain in the twentieth century.

In keeping with the principle of inculturation, Fr. Lederle believed the Christian form of worship and lifestyle should be blended with the local culture. He wrote in his book 'Christian Painting in India': "Christianity goes back to an historic event, to a founder who lived in a specific time in a specific country, who ate the food of his region, spoke the language of his people, was inter-woven into the total human context. When the question came up of whether Christ should be painted in Indian style as regards colour of his skin, hair, dress, etc., some felt by so doing so one would betray the historic roots of this religion. Would one, for example, paint Alexander in the dress of an Indian warrior? Or would a Hindu who goes to the west portray Krishna, Shiva in western dress? The question is not too irrelevant. Christ for Christians is not only a human person; he is the object of their devotion and adoration. But again this is exactly why presentations of Christ through the centuries have been adapted to various cultures and trends and as gifted artists saw him in their intuition. Christians were not only and not primarily concerned with the Jesus of History but about the Jesus of their Faith. It is the Christ through whom they pray and whom they know is present in their hearts. Besides art has never been a photographic presentation of an event. As there grew a deepened awareness that the roots of the Christian people are in their own respective country, whether in Asia, Africa or any other continent, and a conscious identification with the whole of the respective country, this would show itself also in art." (Pages 71 and 72)

Christian art in Goa is definitely Portuguese-inspired, but it has incorporated Indian elements created to a large extent by Indian artists, says Fr. Lederle. He wrote in his above-mentioned book: "We have claimed the Greek-inspired Gandhara art and the various Islam-inspired forms of art as Indian, namely the figure of Buddha and the building of the Taj Mahal. Even if we admit that the art of Goa is somewhat aloof from the broader Indian contest, we have neglected to claim Indo-Portuguese baroque as belonging to the heritage of Indian traditions. There is every right to do this! And in doing this a beautiful new stream is added to the broad river of Indian culture. (Page 53)

Lederle insisted that the lifestyle of persons in his 'Snehasadan' ashram should be like persons living in a hermitage. Since Snehasadan was located in Shaniwar Peth, a central part of Pune, meals in Snehasadan were always pure vegetarian in keeping with the food habits of the majority people in the neighbourhood. He also appealed that all the dealings in this ashram should be in the local language, Marathi. Fr. Lederle had wished that there should be at least a 100 ashrams run by the Catholic churches in the country and these should completely blend with the local religion and culture. There should be an interaction on ideological and intellectual level with people from different religions.

Fr. Lederle motivated many artists to draw pictures on Christian themes with the background of Indian culture. Senior artist Jyoti Sahi in his preface to the book 'Christian Paintings in India through the centuries' has written a detailed account of the same. Paying tribute to Lederle, Sahi has written:

"Thinking of Fr. Lederle's attitude towards art and culture, one is impressed by the breadth of his vision, his truly universal Catholic outlook. He was deeply committed to the church, but there was nothing narrow or sectarian about him. He was a very friendly man. And I do believe that herein lies key to his character - he was one of those whom, we could call a "Universal Brother". Fr. Lederle wanted art to be an expression of that universal brotherhood - a real dialogue between people of different cultures. He did not appreciate just Indian culture; he was a lover and an admirer of his own Western culture. In Europe he showed to me treasures of Western Christian art with the same joy that in India he had shared with me the paintings of Angelo da Fonseca. It was his capacity for enthusiasm that always impressed others. He wanted to appreciate and admire everything. He was interested in modern Indian art, but he realised that it was not enough just to go back to the past. Being a good historian he knew that it is essential to discover the link with the past to feel part of a tradition. However, we must also respond creatively to the present and realise that one of the essential elements of being historical creatures is the uniqueness of our present situation, which demands from us a radically new approach to the culture and times in which we live."

Paying tributes to Fr. Lederle, Sahi says that “in trying to outline Fr. Lederle's personal contribution to the growth of Indian Christian art, I would like to mention that for many of us artists he was a "Father" in a very special way. Fr. Lederle's approach to art and artists has been essentially a pastoral one. His close friendship with artists like Angelo da Fonseca, Sr. Genevieve and Sr. Claire has been a constant source of encouragement to these and many other artists, including myself. I can say that I would never have been able to contribute my own creativity to the Church if it had not been for the constant care and guidance of Fr. Lederle. In this way, he had not only helped many artists, but also encouraged them to make a creative and fulfilling contribution to the life of the Church in India."

Fr. Lederle's ashram - Snehasadan- became a centre in Pune for cultural, religious and social interaction. Although, the Jesuits were running this ashram, Fr. Lederle allowed the use of the hall and other facilities to all irrespective of their religion, caste, or ideology. The main objective of the ashram was inter-religious harmony and interaction. A nominal fee was charged for its use. Thus various institutions and organisations in Pune working in the fields of theatre, art, literature etc. got a platform for their activities. Therefore, many amateur theatre groups could organise the first shows of their experimental plays in Snehasadan. Even after Fr. Lederle's demise, Snehasadan has continued its tradition of patronage to such organisations and individuals.

Fr. Lederle's concern for inter-religious dialogue and exchange can be best highlighted by the last few sentences in his above-mentioned book. He says: "It is the ideal that religion and art be not separated but meet in a creative endeavor. It is a hopeful sign that a church in Dadar, Bombay, has been designed by the well-known architect, Charles Correa, and that the commission for the painting of the ceiling was given to the outstanding painter, M. F. Hussein. Charles Correa is a Catholic and M. F. Hussein is a Muslim!"

It was expected that after he moved to Goa as the provincial of the Goa-Pune diocese, Fr. Lederle would work there for inter-religious harmony and inculturation among the local Christians. Goa was under Portuguese regime for almost 450 years and as a result, the local Christian community was heavily influenced by the Western culture. Like other States in the country, here, too there was little religious and cultural interaction and exchange among different communities. Lederle however did not have an opportunity to offer his contribution in Goa on this front. He had taken over as the Jesuit Provincial on June 21, 1985. Almost a year later, on June 8, 1986, he died of a heart attack while swimming at Calangute in Goa. His mortal remains were brought to Pune - the city with which he had come to be identified - and interred.

References:

1. 'Christian Paintings in India through the Centuries', by Matthew Lederle (S.J.) Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture, St. Xaviour's College, Mumbai, 400 001 and Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, Anand, Gujarat 388 001

2. 'Uttung' (Marathi)- Camil Parkhe, Pushpa Prakashan Ltd, Pune (June 1993).