Mere crumbs of power
CAMIL PARKHE
Thursday, March 17, 2011 AT 09:05 PM (IST)
Tags: Reservation for women, Women-Politics, Maha govt, Camil Parkhe
It is nearly two decades since Maharashtra implemented 33 per cent reservations for women in local self-government bodies. The gender-based special quota was meant to politically empower women and to increase their participation in decision-making process in village panchayats, taluka panchayat samitis and zilla parishads. With the passage of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution, the 33 per cent reservation for women with quota for SC, ST and OBC women in local self-government bodies has come into existence all over the country. Ideally, the past two decades should have been enough to show positive results in women's empowerment. But that does not seem to be the case in Maharashtra or other states.
The 33 per cent quota has ensured a third of membership for women in these institutions. Many of them have occupied the coveted posts of sarpanche, municipal council presidents, mayors and zilla parishad presidents. In most cases, the nominations of these women came from politician members of their families. The sole intention was to retain the political power in the family. The tenure in these institutions should have served women as a training school for a never-before political career. Maharashtra's former chief minister and now Union minister, Vilasrao Deshmukh, had begun his political career as a sarpanch of Babhalgaon village in Latur district. Former Union home minister Shivraj Patil had entered the political arena as president of the Latur municipal council. Former chief ministers Manohar Joshi and Narayan Rane too had launched their political careers as members of the municipal corporation of Mumbai.
Some women politicians have risen from the roots to occupy high political posts. Shobhana Phadanvis, sitting BJP MLC and former Maharashtra minister, had started her inning as a member of the Mool village panchayat in 1968. She was elected as Chandrapur zilla parishad member in 1977. She won state legislative assembly polls thrice. Former minister of state for health, Shobha Bachchav, began as a member of the Nashik Municipal Corporation and director of Nashik District Central Cooperative Bank. Fauzia Khan, who took over as a minister two years back, is NCP's MLC from Parbhani. Most other prominent politician-women carry the political legacy of their families. They include MP Supriya Sule, daughter of NCP chief Sharad Pawar; minister Varsha Gaikwad, daughter of Congress MP Eknath Gaikwad; MP Pankaja Munde, daughter of BJP leader Gopinath Munde; and Priya Dutt, daughter of former Union minister Sunil Dutt.
The question is how many of the women who availed of the 33 percent quota and served as members of panchayats, municipal councils, corporations and zilla parishads or as sarpanches, mayors and zilla parishad presidents have graduated to the posts of legislators, MPs, state or Union ministers in two decades. The answer is disappointing. Hardly any women have been achieve that transition. The political parties which had elected them as members or heads of local self-government bodies did not find them good enough to nominate them to the higher posts in assembly, legislative council or Parliament.
Prithviraj Chavan is the 15th politician to occupy the chief minister's post in Maharashtra. It is sad that not a single woman has occupied this post since the formation of this so-called progressive state in five decades. Nor is there a woman claimant to the job even now. The women politicians, who came closest to claiming the post, were former revenue minister Shalinitai Patil, wife of former chief minister Vasantdada Patil, and Premlakaki Chavan, mother of the present chief minister. Premlakaki, a loyalist to Indira Gandhi, was president of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee when Congress veterans, including Y.B. Chavan and Sharad Pawar, had left the Congress boat after the Emergency.
So far, only one woman politician in Maharashtra has risen high to occupy various political and constitutional posts. President Pratibha Patil was first elected an MLA at the age of 26. She has served as a minister, deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha and governor of Rajasthan. Patil's is an exceptional case. The number of women MLAs, MLCs and MPs has never touched the two-digit mark. Shalinitai Patil was the last high profile woman politician, and that was 25 years ago! At present, there are only two women ministers, both hold junior posts.
With this dismal picture, the increase in the women's quota in local self-government bodies is unlikely to achieve the desired goal of political empowerment of women. The rural elected bodies or the civic bodies in small towns hardly enjoy any political or financial powers. So the legislation to increase the quota of women will be supported by most political parties without any hesitation. The same political parties will, however, continue to vehemently oppose the passage of the long-pending legislation on reserving 33 per cent seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies.
The ruling and opposition political parties, all dominated by male politicians, know it all too well that real political power lies in state assemblies and Parliament and with ministers at states and central levels. The goal of political empowerment of women can be reached only with reservation of equal number of seats for women in state assemblies and Parliament. But in view of the strong and adamant stance of most political parties, that seems to be a very distant dream.
CAMIL PARKHE
Thursday, March 17, 2011 AT 09:05 PM (IST)
Tags: Reservation for women, Women-Politics, Maha govt, Camil Parkhe
It is nearly two decades since Maharashtra implemented 33 per cent reservations for women in local self-government bodies. The gender-based special quota was meant to politically empower women and to increase their participation in decision-making process in village panchayats, taluka panchayat samitis and zilla parishads. With the passage of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution, the 33 per cent reservation for women with quota for SC, ST and OBC women in local self-government bodies has come into existence all over the country. Ideally, the past two decades should have been enough to show positive results in women's empowerment. But that does not seem to be the case in Maharashtra or other states.
The 33 per cent quota has ensured a third of membership for women in these institutions. Many of them have occupied the coveted posts of sarpanche, municipal council presidents, mayors and zilla parishad presidents. In most cases, the nominations of these women came from politician members of their families. The sole intention was to retain the political power in the family. The tenure in these institutions should have served women as a training school for a never-before political career. Maharashtra's former chief minister and now Union minister, Vilasrao Deshmukh, had begun his political career as a sarpanch of Babhalgaon village in Latur district. Former Union home minister Shivraj Patil had entered the political arena as president of the Latur municipal council. Former chief ministers Manohar Joshi and Narayan Rane too had launched their political careers as members of the municipal corporation of Mumbai.
Some women politicians have risen from the roots to occupy high political posts. Shobhana Phadanvis, sitting BJP MLC and former Maharashtra minister, had started her inning as a member of the Mool village panchayat in 1968. She was elected as Chandrapur zilla parishad member in 1977. She won state legislative assembly polls thrice. Former minister of state for health, Shobha Bachchav, began as a member of the Nashik Municipal Corporation and director of Nashik District Central Cooperative Bank. Fauzia Khan, who took over as a minister two years back, is NCP's MLC from Parbhani. Most other prominent politician-women carry the political legacy of their families. They include MP Supriya Sule, daughter of NCP chief Sharad Pawar; minister Varsha Gaikwad, daughter of Congress MP Eknath Gaikwad; MP Pankaja Munde, daughter of BJP leader Gopinath Munde; and Priya Dutt, daughter of former Union minister Sunil Dutt.
The question is how many of the women who availed of the 33 percent quota and served as members of panchayats, municipal councils, corporations and zilla parishads or as sarpanches, mayors and zilla parishad presidents have graduated to the posts of legislators, MPs, state or Union ministers in two decades. The answer is disappointing. Hardly any women have been achieve that transition. The political parties which had elected them as members or heads of local self-government bodies did not find them good enough to nominate them to the higher posts in assembly, legislative council or Parliament.
Prithviraj Chavan is the 15th politician to occupy the chief minister's post in Maharashtra. It is sad that not a single woman has occupied this post since the formation of this so-called progressive state in five decades. Nor is there a woman claimant to the job even now. The women politicians, who came closest to claiming the post, were former revenue minister Shalinitai Patil, wife of former chief minister Vasantdada Patil, and Premlakaki Chavan, mother of the present chief minister. Premlakaki, a loyalist to Indira Gandhi, was president of the Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee when Congress veterans, including Y.B. Chavan and Sharad Pawar, had left the Congress boat after the Emergency.
So far, only one woman politician in Maharashtra has risen high to occupy various political and constitutional posts. President Pratibha Patil was first elected an MLA at the age of 26. She has served as a minister, deputy chairperson of the Rajya Sabha and governor of Rajasthan. Patil's is an exceptional case. The number of women MLAs, MLCs and MPs has never touched the two-digit mark. Shalinitai Patil was the last high profile woman politician, and that was 25 years ago! At present, there are only two women ministers, both hold junior posts.
With this dismal picture, the increase in the women's quota in local self-government bodies is unlikely to achieve the desired goal of political empowerment of women. The rural elected bodies or the civic bodies in small towns hardly enjoy any political or financial powers. So the legislation to increase the quota of women will be supported by most political parties without any hesitation. The same political parties will, however, continue to vehemently oppose the passage of the long-pending legislation on reserving 33 per cent seats for women in Parliament and state assemblies.
The ruling and opposition political parties, all dominated by male politicians, know it all too well that real political power lies in state assemblies and Parliament and with ministers at states and central levels. The goal of political empowerment of women can be reached only with reservation of equal number of seats for women in state assemblies and Parliament. But in view of the strong and adamant stance of most political parties, that seems to be a very distant dream.
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